Journal article: Indoctrination, Secularism, Religious Liberty and the ECHR

This article examines the recent developments in religious freedom before the European Court of Human Rights Two major trends can be distinguished. On the one hand, the Court considers cases that are focused on individuals and it emphasises values such as the prevention of indoctrination, neutrality, secularism and laïcité. On the other hand, the Court deals with cases involving the compatibility of entire domestic regimes regulating religious affairs with the Convention. It will be shown that these two trends in the caselaw do not always sit happily together and have serious repercussions for religious liberty.

A 'deleterious' effect? : Australian legal education and the production of the legal identity

A body of critical legal scholarship argues that, by the time they have completed their studies, students who enter legal education holding social ideals and intending to use their legal education to achieve social change, have become cynical about the ability of the law to do so and no longer possess such ideals. This is explained by critical scholars to be the result of a process of ideological indoctrination, aimed at ensuring that graduates uphold the narrow and conservative interests of the legal profession and capitalist society, being exercised by law schools acting as adjuncts of the legal profession, and exercised upon the passive body of the law student. By using Foucault’s work on knowledge, power, and the subject to interrogate the assumptions upon which this narrative is based, this thesis intends to suggest a way of thinking differently to the approach taken by many critical legal scholars. It then uses an analytics of government (based on Foucault’s notion of ‘governmentality’) to consider the construction of the legal identity differently. It examines the ways in which the governance of the legal identity is rationalised, programmed, and implemented, in three Queensland law schools. It also looks at the way that five prescriptive texts to ‘surviving’ law school suggest students establish and practise a relation to themselves in order to construct their own legal identities. Overall, this analysis shows that governance is not simply conducted in the profession’s interests, but occurs due to a complex arrangement of different practices, which can lead to the construction of skilled legal professional identities as well as ethical lawyer-citizens that hold an interest in justice. The implications of such an analytics provide the basis for original ways of understanding legal education, and legal education scholarship.

Demokratiaa luokkahuoneessa : Toimintatutkimus kolmasluokkalaisten osallistamisesta päätöksentekoon

The crucial questions that define democracy relate to its depth and width: who can participate in decision making and what kind of things can be commonly decided? Theories deeper than representative democracy emphasize discussion, in which by evaluating justifications it is possible to achieve consensus in ideal situation. The aim of my research is to develop tools for promoting the participation of third graders in decision making in the classroom. In addition I study the development of depth and width of democracy in the classroom, the development of skills and competencies in the decision making and the challenges of the project. My research method is participative action research. I collected my data between October 2007 and March 2008. I used videos and observation diaries as my primary data. Additional data consisted of the interviews of the students, the conversations between the adults and the material produced by the teacher. Since we discussed the matters students had highlighted in specific lessons, my analysis proceeds according to these lessons constructing a general view of the process. The width and depth of classroom democracy are difficult to define. Though the system we had created enabled third graders to discuss matters they found important the participation was unequal: some of the students couldn’t among other things give justifications for their opinions. This poses challenges for models that emphasize deliberation since these theories presuppose that everyone has concordant competencies. But then again only critical citizens who are able to make justifications and to evaluate them are able to oppose indoctrination. This makes teaching these competencies justified. Different decision making procedures define the classroom democracy. Deliberation doesn’t necessarily provide deeper information about the preferences of the participants than mere voting. But then again voting doesn’t express the reasons which support one’s preferences. Structured conversation can equalize the time used for every participant’s opinions, but doesn’t solve the challenge of unequal competencies. Children’s suggestion box diversified the possibilities to participate, and also the silent ones used it during the research. The asymmetry in deliberation might also be caused by the social structure of the students. Teacher’s directing and participation encouraging role in deliberation was significant. Diversifying the participation by different roles could equalize the asymmetry in participation.

The Mid-Century Showroom: Knoll, Herman Miller and the Retail Exhibition of Modern American Design

Although occasionally illustrated and referenced in contemporary histories of modern furniture and design, there is surprisingly little critical discussion or consideration of the role of the showroom in the promotion and dissemination of modern design during the mid-twentieth century. In these years, when the American lifestyle was popularly articulated and forcefully propagandized, the furniture showroom served as a principle site of professional and public indoctrination. Appropriating display techniques from modern exhibition design to showcase the American lifestyle as an abstracted, spatially integrated art form, the showroom provided an unencumbered landscape ideally suited to camera’s lens and the public’s imagination. Leading modern American furniture manufacturers, such as Herman Miller and Knoll Associates collaborated with major cultural institutions as well as department stores and retailers to maximize exposure and consumer demand for their products. Through such integrated marketing and merchandising strategies, showrooms also contributed to the broader social project to educate American consumers about modern design and the advantages of modern living. Related to the many model home programs and “good design” exhibitions of the 1950s, the furniture showroom occupies a unique place within the history and discourse of the postwar era. The peculiarities of the furniture showroom and its position as a point of intersection between the trade and the consumer, the commercial and the cultural, and the aesthetic and the ideological form the focus of this study.

Le totalitarisme en mouvement : propagande, politique eugénique et la création d’un « homme nouveau » dans le Troisième Reich

Le but de ce mémoire est de poser un regard comparatiste sur les conséquences éventuelles de la politique eugénique totalitaire du Troisième Reich, et ce, dans l’optique où ce régime aurait eu la chance de poursuivre ses ambitions à ce niveau. En portant respectivement notre attention sur la structure organisationnelle du NSDAP, de l’État et de l’autorité, sur les étapes spécifiques de l’établissement du totalitarisme hitlérien, sur les diverses techniques de propagande et d’endoctrinement utilisées par les nazis pour accomplir l’unification du peuple allemand, ainsi que sur l’application pratique et le discours relatif à la politique eugénique dans le Reich et sur les territoires occupés, nous comprendrons que le mouvement propre au totalitarisme hitlérien, en changeant constamment sa définition respective de l’« élite » et de l’être « dépravé », n’aurait jamais mis fin à la purge raciale de la population sous son joug. Par conséquent, la place de l’« allemand moyen » aurait été quasi inexistante. Le Troisième Reich, par élimination et élevage social constant, aurait donc créé un « homme nouveau », basé sur l’idéologie arbitraire et instable du régime et pigé dans les peuples occupés à divers degré. Au bout de plusieurs générations, cet être nouveau aurait constitué le « noyau racial » de la population d’une nouvelle Europe aryanisée, construite sur le cadavre de la plus grande partie des anciens peuples du continent, incluant le peuple allemand.

La traduction intersémiotique et l’hybridité dans la Nueva coronica y buen gobierno de Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala : analyse des rapports de pouvoir ethniques

La fin du XVe siècle marque le début d’une nouvelle ère dans les Amériques. L’arrivée des explorateurs, des conquistadores et des colonisateurs espagnols au nouveau continent signe l’introduction des Amériques dans l’histoire. Dans les écrits rédigés durant les premières décennies de la colonisation, les Autochtones endossent majoritairement le rôle d’objet. À la suite de l’endoctrinement d’une partie de la population autochtone, ce rôle passif se transforme en rôle davantage actif alors que certains Autochtones décident de prendre la parole et la plume. Voilà ce que Felipe Guamán Poma de Ayala décide de faire par l’entremise de sa chronique Nueva coronica y buen gobierno, rédigé en 1615 et adressé au roi Philippe III d’Espagne. Ce mémoire étudie une sélection d’images de la chronique comme traductions culturelles intersémiotiques de la société coloniale dans la mesure où elles traduisent le vécu colonial, y compris les rapports de pouvoir ethniques au sein de la hiérarchie sociale, à l’aide d’unités sémiotiques provenant de divers codes culturels (espagnol, catholique et andin). L’objectif de ce projet de recherche consiste à démontrer la façon dont l’hybridité du système sémiotique du texte cible expose la nature aliénante de la traduction ainsi que la relation antagonique qu’elle entretient avec l’idéologie coloniale officielle.

El arte de la conversión: modelos educativos del Colegio de San Andrés de Quito (Dossier: Historia del Arte)

El ensayo analiza el papel que desempeño el Colegio de San Andrés de Quito en la conversión de los indígenas durante el siglo XVI y el florecimiento de un centro importante de producción artística. El artículo propone que la designación actual del colegio, como una escuela de arte, puede ser una consecuencia tardía de la inestable relación entre arte y religión, tal como fue cultivada dentro de la institución franciscana. Se trató, por lo tanto, de una superposición del valor religioso sobre el artístico, mediante el cual se adoctrinaba a los estudiantes. El artículo enfatiza en la aprobación de destrezas artísticas por parte de los indígenas, quienes adquirieron dominio sobre estas artes, las mercadearon y provocaron una inesperada tensión en las concepciones franciscanas acerca de la religión y el uso del arte.

O caráter doutrinário de Universidades Corporativas

This research had the objective to verify if the Corporative Universities have a doctrinal character and why. In order to make the identification and analysis possible, field and bibliographic researches have been used. The bibliographical survey allowed to conclude that university is not the adequate and correct term to identify the Corporative "University", as an university does not only concern teaching. Regarding research, the investigation seeks the truth, what rarely occurs in Corporate Universities. Besides this, the bibliographical survey furnished information about organizational control and indoctrination that are important to the analysis of the Corporative Universities. While the market needs more critical, creative and enterprising individuals, the Corporative Universities limit the freedom of the thought. The field research is based on the studies of Reboul (1980) and Snook (1974), providing data that made the identification of politics and practices of the researched Corporate University possible, giving them doctrinal characteristics, which are opposed to those of education, but in a reduced degree, as compared with the respondent of the research. This circumstance harmed in a certain way initial supposition of the study, but at its end roused other suppositions as well.

Conveniência e plausibilidade da proposição de que justiça é harmonia n A República de Platão

This thesis endorses the interpretation that in Plato`s Republic the argument made by Thrasymachus in which justice is the convenience of the most powerful one is implicitly accepted by Socrates. Although Thrasymachus´ discussion does not show any similarity with the argument of Socrates, it proposes a sarcastic and ironic comment on political life. Socrates accepts this comment to develop a more refined notion of the category of the most powerful ones. While Thrasymachus assumes that the convenience of the most powerful ones includes the power to subordinate all and everything to their individual pleasures, Socrates admits that the most powerful ones are defined only by their characteristic of being able to hold power in perpetuity. In this context, the main theme of The Republic is that the harmony between the functional classes of the city is convenient for perpetual power. For preservation of harmony, the functional class of the most powerful considers the convenience of forsaking a possible monopoly on pleasure towards a redistribution that promotes harmony, which also makes it convenient for the other classes. Thus, we can explicitly say that the most powerful ones believe in a sense of justice as convenience for everyone, but implicitly believe only in the argument that justice is what is convenient for themselves. Since convenience is what promotes harmony between functional classes, it becomes convenient to Socrates to believe that the understanding justice that the most powerful ones have is not publicly disclosed. The notion that all the speculation of the dialogue between the characters cannot be true, but, at best, only plausible and convenient is also part of the central argument in The Republic. Socrates needs to modify the nature of the functional classes through a targeted program of sexual reproduction and a program of ideological indoctrination so that the proposal to promote harmony through the elements of the city, declaring that justice is in favor of the weakest becomes a more plausible and convenient speech. To make the new system more plausible, Socrates develops a metaphysics based on the mathematical notion of harmony, such metaphysics serving the official rhetoric of the political regime presented by Socrates

Spiritist Psychiatric Hospitals in Brazil: Integration of Conventional Psychiatric Treatment and Spiritual Complementary Therapy

In Brazil, during the XX century, dozens of Spiritist psychiatric hospitals emerged seeking to integrate conventional medical treatment with complementary spiritual therapy. This combined inpatient treatment is largely found in Brazil, where many psychiatric hospitals stem from the Spiritist movement. The present report describes the use of these spiritual practices, their operating structure, health professionals involved, modalities of care, and institutional difficulties in integrating spiritual practices with conventional treatment in six leading Brazilian Spiritist psychiatric hospitals. These hospitals combine conventional psychiatric treatment with voluntary-based spiritual approaches such as laying on of hands ("fluidotherapy"), lectures regarding spiritual and ethical issues, intercessory prayer, spirit release therapy ("disobsession") and "fraternal dialogue". The non-indoctrination and optional nature of these spiritual complementary therapies seem to increase acceptance among patients and their family members. In conclusion, the Spiritist psychiatric hospitals in Brazil have, for more than half a century, provided an integrative approach in the treatment of psychiatric disorders, associating conventional and spiritual treatments, more specifically Spiritist therapy. The lack of standardized treatment protocols and scientific studies remain a barrier to assessing the impact of this integrative approach on patients' mental health, quality of life, adherence, and perceived quality of treatment.

Architektura a ideologie. Výchovné instituce Adolfa Hitlera v protektorátu Čechy a Morava a v Říšské župě Sudety

This article examines the architecture of the Nazi regime in two occupied cities of Czechoslovakia, Praha/Prag and Jihlava/Iglau (the latter being one of the traditionally German-speaking island in the bohemia country), and focuses specifically on the process by which Hitler youth organisations (Hitlerjugend) in case of ‘education’ and indoctrination of youth were or were not successfully established in these cities. As comparison, he takes the political-administrative centres of the Sudeten Reichsgau, Ústí/Aussig, Opava/Troppau, Karlovy Vary/Karlsbad and Liberec/Reichenberg. Drawing on Czech and German archive materials, the extensive body of modern analytical literature, and propagandist literature from the period studied, the author examines the extent to which architecture served as a projection screen for Fascist propaganda in the Occupied Eastern territories. He describes the role played by the Reichsstelle für Raumordnung and shows how the Reich’s propagandist objectives came to be reflected in a high specific typology and stylistic lexicon/configuration for the architecture of Hitler youth hostels and homes He examines the process by which these organisations were powerful implanted into the space of occupied Czechoslovakia (and Sudeten) too, a topic that has not yet been addressed in (art) history too. The building projects developed for the Protectorate (published here for the first time) and managed by the Reich’s Hitler Youth Leadership in Berlin (Kulturamt, Reichsjugendführung, RJF, Abteilung HJ) reveal the ties that existed between the construction authorities in the Reich and the Protectorate, including the Planning Committee for the City of Prague. The author asks how many German and Czech architects participated for their own profit in the Nazi system, and for future research raises the hitherto taboo question of guilt and collaboration with the Nazis and the perception of this phenomenon in art history, i.e. the measure of active cooperation of not just German but also Czech architects who contributed to the planning and implementation of projects and thereby unequivocally had a hand in consolidating the totalitarian regime and de facto in the forced „Germanification” of their own people under occupation.

Na 1 Nachlass Max Horkheimer, 688 - "Fortune Polls on Antisemitism" (p. IX 153.1-18)

"Fortune Polls on Antisemitism" (1947) (veröffentlicht unter dem Titel "Fortune Survey Analyzed by AJC Consultant to Appraise Results", in: News Letter, American Jewish Committee, Dezember 1947, S. 4):; 1. Max Horkheimer: Über Fortune Polls, a) Typoskript, 3 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 3 Blatt, c) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 3 Blatt, d) Typoskript, 3 Blatt; 2. Max Horkheimer: Über Fortune Polls und die Gefahren eines neuen Antisemitismus (Vortragsskript?), Typoskript und Manuskript, 4 Blatt; 3. Theodor W. Adorno (?): "Some Results of Adult Project". Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 2 Blatt; 4. "Education Counteracts Prejudice" Auszug aus "Antisemitism among American Labor". Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 5. "Discord versus Harmony", Excerpt from: The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, March 1946, Typoskript, 1 Blatt; 6. Theodor W. Adorno: "Memorandum, Subject: Poll Controversy", 24.4.1948; 7. Leo Löwenthal: "Memorandum on Fortune Poll" und "Supplementary Memorandum on Fortune Poll", 8.10.1947. Typoskripte mit eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 4 Blatt; 8. "Massing's Comment" (8.10.1947). Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 9. "Excerpts from Fortune Magazine 'The Fortune Survey': Racial and Religious Intolerance". Typoskript, 3 Blatt, a) "Summary of 'Fortune Survey' on Antisemitism in U.S. (Fortune, April, 1939)", Typoskript, 2 Blatt; 10. Leo Löwenthal: 1 Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer, New York, 4.10.1947, 1 Blatt; 11. Exzerpt der Umfrage-Materialien der Opinion Research Corporation, Typoskripte, 61 Blatt; 12. Zahlenmaterial zu den Umfragen, 16 Blatt; Office of War Information, Bureau of Intelligence: Berichte über Antisemitismus: 13. "Attitudes toward Jews in the United States", 27.10.1942, a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 22 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 35 Blatt; 14. "Political Anti-Semitism: A Study of Indoctrination" (27.10.1942), a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 18 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 26 Blatt; 15. "Anti-Semitism - a Symptom of Disaffection" (8.10.1942), a) als Typoskript vervielfältigt, 8 Blatt, b) Typoskript, 12 Blatt; 16. Samuel H. Flowerman und Marie Jahoda: "Polls on Anti-Semitism. How much do they tell us?", Sonderdruck, 4 Blatt; 17. Fragebogen, Drucksachen, 4 Blatt; 18. Zeitungausschnitte aus: The Fortune Survey, 9 Blatt;

Adiestrando a la juventud obrera: la política de formación técnica-industrial de la dictadura primorriverista

El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar cómo la dictadura de Primo de Rivera llevó a cabo la reforma de la enseñanza industrial del joven obrero a través del Estatuto de Enseñanza Industrial de 1924 y del Estatuto de Formación Profesional de 1928, dentro de la órbita ideológica del “modernismo reaccionario”. La dictadura primorriverista se encontraba en una época influida por las consecuencias de la Gran Guerra y empezaba a percibir la formación profesional técnica-industrial como un mecanismo de adoctrinamiento de la juventud obrera, a partir del cual se podía construir una identidad nacional y profesional, a la vez que modernizar la industria nacional. Por ello, la dictadura de Primo de Rivera decidió centralizar todos los canales de formación industrial del joven obrero a través de un nuevo plan de estudios técnico e industrial dentro de las escuelas industriales y de trabajo. Así intentaba controlar al movimiento obrero, formar una clase media de técnicos industriales, satisfacer las necesidades económicas del país, al mismo tiempo que mantener la jerarquización socio-política tradicional. Pero la aplicación de este proyecto educativo durante la Segunda República no cumplió con las expectativas ideológicas y políticas de la dictadura de Primo de Rivera.

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"July 1985."