57 resultados para Inclusiveness


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Alors que l’intérêt pour les processus d’intégration des immigrants et des minorités ethniques est en pleine croissance parmi les chercheurs européens, les facteurs qui expliquent les différentes formes de participation civique et politique doivent être examinés plus en profondeur. Prenant pour base la littérature sur l’immigration, cette étude examine la question de recherche suivante: Comment peut-on expliquer les variations des formes de participation civique et politique des activistes issus de l’immigration au niveau local? Afin de répondre à cette question, cette étude identifie les formes de participation de la part d’activistes issus de l’immigration dans quatre villes Italiennes et examine les discours et les pratiques de multiples acteurs impliqués dans le domaine de l’immigration dans un contexte national d’hostilité croissante. Cette thèse soutient que pour comprendre différentes formes de participation, il est important de considérer non seulement l’État et les acteurs institutionnels, mais aussi les acteurs non-institutionnels et examiner comment ces derniers influencent les opportunités ainsi que les restrictions à la participation. Par ailleurs, cette recherche examine les canaux conventionnels et non-conventionnels dans quatre villes italiennes et étudie les activistes issus de l’immigration comme des acteurs politiques pertinents, capables de se mobiliser et d’influencer la participation à travers leur interaction et alliances avec les acteurs de la société d’accueil. Cette recherche a permis de produire trois résultats. Le premier montre que les approches d’intégration adoptées par les acteurs sont importantes. Cette étude a identifié trois approches d’intégration: 1) « welfariste », basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont dans le besoin et doivent donc recevoir des services; 2) interculturelle, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants sont de futurs citoyens et que l’intégration est réciproque; 3) promotion des droits politiques, basée sur l’idée que les immigrants ont des droits politiques fondamentaux ; et qui encourage l’ouverture des canaux de participation politique, surtout aux immigrants privés du droit de vote local. L’analyse empirique démontre que, alors que l’approche welfariste n’encourage pas la participation parce qu’elle conçoit les immigrants comme des acteurs passifs, les autres deux approches ont respectivement un impact sur les formes de participation civique et politique. La deuxième conclusion souligne le rôle des acteurs de gauche. En particulier, cette étude montre que les acteurs qui ouvrent de canaux pour la participation ne sont pas uniquement les acteurs de gauche modérée, comme les autorités locales, les partis politiques et les syndicats, mais aussi les groupes de gauche radicale et non-institutionnelle. Chaque acteur de gauche comprend et agit différemment par rapport aux sujets de l’immigration et de la participation et ce fait influence comment les activistes issues de l’immigration se mobilisent. La troisième conclusion met en évidence le rôle de la perception des opportunités par les activistes issus de l’immigration et la façon avec laquelle ils s’approprient les discours et les pratiques des acteurs de gauche. Ce travail démontre que l’ouverture de canaux est possible grâce à l’engagement de personnes issues de l’immigration qui agissent à travers les opportunités qui leurs sont offertes, créent des alliances avec la gauche et défient les discours et pratiques des acteurs locaux.

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This paper describes an approach to teaching and learning that combines elements of ludic engagement, gamification and digital creativity in order to make the learning of a serious subject a fun, interactive and inclusive experience for students regardless of their gender, age, culture, experience or any disabilities that they may have. This approach has been successfully used to teach software engineering to first year students but could in principle be transferred to any subject or discipline.

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This article investigates the determinants of union inclusiveness towards agency workers in Western Europe, using an index which combines unionization rates with dimensions of collective agreements covering agency workers. Using fuzzy-set Qualitative Comparative Analysis, we identify two combinations of conditions leading to inclusiveness: the ‘Northern path’ includes high union density, high bargaining coverage and high union authority, and is consistent with the power resources approach. The ‘Southern path’ combines high union authority, high bargaining coverage, statutory regulations of agency work and working-class orientation, showing that ideology rather than institutional incentives shapes union strategies towards the marginal workforce.

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What explains cross-national variation in wage inequality? Research in comparative political economy stresses the importance of the welfare state and wage coordination in reducing not only disposable income inequality but also gross earnings inequality. However, the cross-national variation in gross earnings inequality between median and low income workers is at odds with this conventional wisdom: the German coordinated market economy is now more unequal in this type of inequality than the UK, a liberal market economy. To solve this puzzle, I argue that non-inclusive coordination benefits median but not bottom income workers and is as a result associated with higher – rather than lower - wage inequality. I find support for this argument using a large N quantitative analysis of wage inequality in a panel of Western European countries. Results are robust to the inclusion of numerous controls, country fixed effects, and also hold with a sample of OECD countries. Taken together these findings force us to reconsider the relationship between coordination and wage inequality at the bottom of the income distribution.

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While psychology recognizes and celebrates multicultural diversity connoting the inclusivity of all, it seems to ignore sociopolitical and religious diversity. Within contemporary multiculturalism, conservative voices are often found wanting. In this study, a "liberal" privilege survey was developed to examine the inclusion and limits of conservative ideology within the multicultural paradigm of psychology training programs and workplaces. It was hypothesized that mental health professionals who identified as more conservative would express more oppression of views/values in their workplace than individuals who did not identify as being conservative and those who identified as more liberal would express bias and concerns against those holding conservative views. Results did not support an overall generalization of conservative bias or intolerance, but did provide some evidence of discontent among individuals holding more conservative religious and sociopolitical values. Overall, findings reinforce the need for gathering more data on sociopolitical and religious variables within the context of multiculturalism and broadening the dialogue on diversity issues surrounding sociopolitical views and bias among colleagues and in training programs.

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Some dads wear nail polish! Is the tooth fairy a boy or a girl? My Grade Two students’ voices were integral in developing each of the action research cycles as students became co-creators of knowledge. I gathered data through a personal journal, observations, reflections, work samples, interviews and classroom artifacts. The research question was focused on creating a safe and caring classroom environment by selecting appropriate instructional strategies based on developing my students’ concept of gender. Findings included students’ acceptance of differences, emulation of gender stereotypes, the significance of role models and student empowerment. Conclusions examined the influence that behaviour has on instructional strategies, creating allies among primary students, the importance of teacher training and the influence that students have in their classroom. Thoughts towards future research include the need for further parent engagement and more exploration of the impact that the school environment has in the classroom.

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This article contributes to understanding the conditions of social-ecological change by focusing on the agency of individuals in the pathways to institutionalization. Drawing on the case of the Intergovernmental Platform on Biodiversity and Ecosystem Services (IPBES), it addresses institutional entrepreneurship in an emerging environmental science-policy institution (ESPI) at a global scale. Drawing on ethnographic observations, semistructured interviews, and document analysis, we propose a detailed chronology of the genesis of the IPBES before focusing on the final phase of the negotiations toward the creation of the institution. We analyze the techniques and skills deployed by the chairman during the conference to handle the tensions at play both to prevent participants from deserting the negotiations arena and to prevent a lack of inclusiveness from discrediting the future institution. We stress that creating a new global environmental institution requires the situated exercise of an art of “having everybody on board” through techniques of inclusiveness that we characterize. Our results emphazise the major challenge of handling the fragmentation and plasticity of the groups of interest involved in the institutionalization process, thus adding to the theory of transformative agency of institutional entrepreneurs. Although inclusiveness might remain partly unattainable, such techniques of inclusiveness appear to be a major condition of the legitimacy and success of the institutionalization of a new global ESPI. Our results also add to the literature on boundary making within ESPIs by emphasizing the multiplicity and plasticity of the groups actually at stake.

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This special section brings together 4 of the 12 studies conducted within a research program analyzing the relationships among social mobilization, governance. and rural development in contemporary Latin America. The introduction Lives an overview of the contemporary significance of social movements For rural development dynamics in the region, and of the principal insights of the section papers and the broader research program of which they were a part. This significance varies Lis an effect of two distinct and uneven geographics: the geography of social movements themselves and the geography of the rural political economy. The effects that movements have oil the political economy of rural development also depend significantly oil internal characteristics of these movements. The paper identifies several such characteristics. The general pattern is that movements have had far more effect oil widening the political inclusiveness of rural development than they have oil improving its economic inclusiveness and dynamism. (c) 2008 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

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Esta dissertação de mestrado trata de analisar os limites e possibilidades do Conselho Estadual de Direitos Humanos do Espírito Santo. Ao investigar as condições de inclusividade e efetividade das demandas da sociedade civil local, observa-se de que modo essas condições colaboram para o aprofundamento da democracia. A relevância do trabalho está na sua capacidade de colaborar na verificação das consequências da participação política dos atores da sociedade civil local na instituição participativa. No sentido de testar as hipóteses levantadas lançou-se mão de uma metodologia qualitativa e quantitativa. Destarte, os resultados alcançados evidenciam que há no interior do CEDH consideráveis condições de inclusividade de variedade de temas e atores. Entretanto, no que tange à efetividade, esta se refere mais expressivamente a uma efetividade participativa, na qual os ganhos se pulverizam no fortalecimento da sociedade civil e no atendimento a questões mais pontuais do que propriamente à implementação de políticas públicas. Ademais, constatou-se que a judicialização da política tem sido a estratégia encontrada para superar tais percalços encontrados no processo participativo de concretização da garantia de direitos humanos.

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According to a recent Eurobarometer survey (2014), 68% of Europeans tend not to trust national governments. As the increasing alienation of citizens from politics endangers democracy and welfare, governments, practitioners and researchers look for innovative means to engage citizens in policy matters. One of the measures intended to overcome the so-called democratic deficit is the promotion of civic participation. Digital media proliferation offers a set of novel characteristics related to interactivity, ubiquitous connectivity, social networking and inclusiveness that enable new forms of societal-wide collaboration with a potential impact on leveraging participative democracy. Following this trend, e-Participation is an emerging research area that consists in the use of Information and Communication Technologies to mediate and transform the relations among citizens and governments towards increasing citizens’ participation in public decision-making. However, despite the widespread efforts to implement e-Participation through research programs, new technologies and projects, exhaustive studies on the achieved outcomes reveal that it has not yet been successfully incorporated in institutional politics. Given the problems underlying e-Participation implementation, the present research suggested that, rather than project-oriented efforts, the cornerstone for successfully implementing e-Participation in public institutions as a sustainable added-value activity is a systematic organisational planning, embodying the principles of open-governance and open-engagement. It further suggested that BPM, as a management discipline, can act as a catalyst to enable the desired transformations towards value creation throughout the policy-making cycle, including political, organisational and, ultimately, citizen value. Following these findings, the primary objective of this research was to provide an instrumental model to foster e-Participation sustainability across Government and Public Administration towards a participatory, inclusive, collaborative and deliberative democracy. The developed artefact, consisting in an e-Participation Organisational Semantic Model (ePOSM) underpinned by a BPM-steered approach, introduces this vision. This approach to e-Participation was modelled through a semi-formal lightweight ontology stack structured in four sub-ontologies, namely e-Participation Strategy, Organisational Units, Functions and Roles. The ePOSM facilitates e-Participation sustainability by: (1) Promoting a common and cross-functional understanding of the concepts underlying e-Participation implementation and of their articulation that bridges the gap between technical and non-technical users; (2) Providing an organisational model which allows a centralised and consistent roll-out of strategy-driven e-Participation initiatives, supported by operational units dedicated to the execution of transformation projects and participatory processes; (3) Providing a standardised organisational structure, goals, functions and roles related to e-Participation processes that enhances process-level interoperability among government agencies; (4) Providing a representation usable in software development for business processes’ automation, which allows advanced querying using a reasoner or inference engine to retrieve concrete and specific information about the e-Participation processes in place. An evaluation of the achieved outcomes, as well a comparative analysis with existent models, suggested that this innovative approach tackling the organisational planning dimension can constitute a stepping stone to harness e-Participation value.

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The aim of this paper is to verify, for the Spanish case, whether between 1977 and 2008 has increased the internal democracy of the major political parties (PSOE, AP / PP, PCE / IU, PNV and CDC). To do this, we will focus on their leadership selection processes, one of the key elements associated with intra-party democracy. The paper is going to introduce data on four different dimensions of leadership selection: the certification process, the voting procedure, the inclusiveness of the selectorate and, finally, the degree of competitiveness. The results will show that have been few changes in the leadership selection processes of the Spanish political parties since 1977. However, the results of the Spanish case will also be used to suggest some preliminary links between the four dimensions.

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Since the early 1990s, new forms of referendum campaigns have emerged in the Swiss political arena. In this paper, we examine how referendum campaigns have transformed in Switzerland, focusing on a number of features: their intensity, duration and inclusiveness (i.e., the variety of actors involved). These features are assumed to change in the long run in response to societal changes and in the short run as a function of variations in elite support. We further argue that public knowledge of ballot issues depends on the characteristics of campaigns. To formally test our hypotheses, we draw on advertisement campaigns in six major Swiss newspapers in the four weeks preceding each ballot from 1981 to 1999 and develop a structural equation model. We indeed find that the duration of referendum campaigns has increased over time, while their inclusiveness has decreased. Most importantly, we find that pub­lic knowledge is strongly related to the characteristics of campaigns

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Since the beginning of the 1990s, the EU has been increasingly criticised for its democratic deficit, which is intrinsically linked to the absence of a public sphere at the European level. Whereas scholars consider the emergence of such a public sphere as a necessary requirement for the democratisation of the EU, they disagree on the conceptualisation and normative requirements for a meaningful public sphere at the European level. This article takes an empirical perspective and draws on the nation-state context of multilingual Switzerland to get insights into what a European public sphere might realistically look like. Based on a content analysis of the leading quality paper from each German- and French-speaking Switzerland by means of political claims analysis, it shows that three of the most often cited criteria for a European public sphere - horizontal openness and interconnectedness, shared meaning structures, and inclusiveness - are hardly met in the Swiss context. On this basis, it concludes that the normative barrier for finding a European public sphere might be unrealistically high and should be reconsidered.

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Intersectionality has been adopted as the preferred term to refer to and to analyze multiple axes of oppression in feminist theory. However, less research examines if this term, and the political analyses it carries, has been adopted by women's rights organizations in various contexts and to what effect. Drawing on interviews with activists working in a variety of women's rights organizations in France and Canada, I show that intersectionality is only one of the repertoires that a women's rights organization might use to analyze the social experience and the political interests of women situated at the intersection of several axes of domination. I propose a typology of four repertoires that activists use to reflect on intersectionality and inclusiveness. Drawing on a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the interview data, I show that hegemonic repertoires about racial or religious identity in one national context shape the way activists and organizations understand intersectionality and its challenges. The identity of organizations, as well as their main function (advocacy or providing service), also shape their understanding of intersectional issues.

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The mass media are assigned an important role in political campaigns on popular votes. This article asks how the press communicates political issues to citizens during referendum campaigns, and whether some minimal criteria for successful public deliberation are met. The press coverage of all 24 ballot votes on welfare state issues from 1995 to 2004 in Switzerland is examined, distinguishing seven criteria to judge how news coverage compares to idealized notions of the media's role in the democratic process: coverage intensity, time for public deliberation, balance in media coverage, source independence and inclusiveness, substantive coverage, and spatial homogeneity. The results of our quantitative analysis suggest that the press does fulfil these normative requirements to a reasonable extent and that fears about biased or deceitful media treatment of ballot issues are not well-founded. However, some potential for optimizing the coverage of referendum campaigns by the Swiss press does exist