866 resultados para Identity recognition politics


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We propose a novel multiview fusion scheme for recognizing human identity based on gait biometric data. The gait biometric data is acquired from video surveillance datasets from multiple cameras. Experiments on publicly available CASIA dataset show the potential of proposed scheme based on fusion towards development and implementation of automatic identity recognition systems.

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Nesta tese analisamos os discursos e as práticas dos grupos e pessoas que compõem o movimento negro no processo de construção de uma identidade social no Brasil contemporâneo. O movimento negro brasileiro, a exemplo do que acontece com outros movimentos sociais gerados na modernidade ocidental, instrumentaliza um constructo de identidade social específica dentro do espaço público como forma de pleitear reparações pelos danos causados pela escravidão e ações de inclusão da população afrodescendente na sociedade como cidadãos com direitos iguais. Além de fontes bibliográficas, nossa metodologia se baseou na realização de entrevistas com militantes, participação em reuniões e eventos, análise de comentários postados em comunidades virtuais, de depoimentos de histórias de vida, bem como de publicações diversas associadas ao movimento negro. A análise das narrativas e práticas do movimento negro nos remeteu à pesquisa acerca da historiografia e das teorias sobre a escravidão no Brasil, sobre a inserção do negro na sociedade brasileira e, especialmente, sobre os elementos de formação identitária do militante negro. Concluímos indicando o caráter contraditório dos processos de formação identitária e das demandas políticas do movimento negro que se mobiliza a favor da igualdade de todos os cidadãos brasileiros sem discriminação racial, mas que, ao mesmo tempo, divide a população entre negros (nós, oprimidos, portanto aptos a receberem reparações) e brancos (eles, privilegiados), gerando parâmetros de inclusão de cunho racial contra os quais a luta contra o racismo historicamente se opôs. Se por um lado, o movimento negro coloca em cena a discussão sobre o preconceito racial no Brasil, tema fundamental para mudar a situação socioeconômica desfavorável da população negra, por outro lado, o radicalismo de suas ações afasta aqueles que não sejam totalmente favoráveis à sua visão de luta contra o racismo e a exclusão social. Os debates atuais opõem as lideranças e os simpatizantes do movimento negro favoráveis a políticas de inserção social pautadas por parâmetros raciais e aqueles que alertam para o perigo de leis raciais em um país miscigenado, defendendo que as políticas de inclusão devem ser edificadas por parâmetros socioeconômicos.

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This article argues that we must distinguish between two distinct currents in the politics of recognition, one centred on demands for equal respect which is consistent with liberal egalitarianism, and one which centres on demands for esteem made on behalf of particular groups which is at odds with egalitarian aims. A variety of claims associated with the politics of recognition are assessed and it is argued that these are readily accommodated within contemporary liberal egalitarian theory. It is argued that, pace Taylor, much of what passes for `identity' or recognition politics is driven by demands for equal respect, not by demands for esteem/affirmation. Given the inherently hierarchical nature of esteem recognition, no liberal state can consistently grant such recognition. Furthermore, these demands pose the risk of intensifying intergroup competition and chauvinism. Esteem recognition is valuable for individuals, but plays a problematic role for egalitarian politics.

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-08

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Caught between the well-armed imaginations of paramilitary organisations competing for the hearts and minds of a divided population, and state engineering of a liberal peace, civil society's impact on Northern Ireland's identity politics was limited during the thirty-year conflict. Specifically, the community and voluntary sector itself has tended to replicate as much as it challenged patterns of segregation in many of its own structures. With plans set out in the Northern Ireland Executive's Programme for Government (2008-11) to engage civil society in opening a new era of ‘good relations’ work to counter sectarianism and racism, civil society organisations will face a complex terrain, facing scepticism about their contribution to peace-making before the Good Friday Agreement, and working in a post-Agreement environment marked by continuing elite and communal antagonism demonstrated by the crisis at the turn of 2009 over devolution of justice and policing powers to the Northern Ireland Executive. A significant aspect of the resolution was a belated agreement by Sinn Fein and the DUP on a new community relation strategy, Cohesion, Sharing and Integration. This article suggests that civil society has a significant role to play in encouraging communities to confront the contradictions and tensions that continue to haunt the political architects of the Good Friday Agreement by affirming a radical and contingent vision of democracy as democratisation at a distance from the identity-saturated politics of the state-region of Northern Ireland. It draws on the work of Simon Critchley, Emmanuel Levinas and Wendy Brown, to offer an approach to identity politics in post-conflict Northern Ireland, focusing on the future orientation of civil society.

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Esta Monografía se centra en mostrar cómo el intento por conservar la identidad colectiva de la Liga de los Estados Árabes impide ceder ante el deseo de Somalilandia de ser reconocida como Estado independiente.

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Gay and lesbian prides and marches are of crucial relevance to the way in which non-heterosexual lives are imagined internationally despite regional and national differences. Quite often, these events are connected not only with increased activist mobilisation, but also with great controversy, which is the case of Poland, where gay and lesbian marches have been attacked by right-wing protesters and cancelled by right-wing city authorities on a number of occasions. Overall, the scholars analysing these events have largely focused on the macro-context of the marches, paying less attention to the movement actors behind these events. The contribution of this thesis lies not only in filling a gap when it comes to research on sexual minorities in Eastern Europe/Poland, but also in its focus on micro-level movement processes and engagement with theories of collective identity and citizenship. Furthermore, this thesis challenges the inscription of Eastern European/Polish movements into the narrative of victimhood and delayed development when compared to LGBT movements in the Global North. This thesis is grounded in qualitative research including participant observation of public activist events as well as forty semi-structured interviews with the key organisers of gay and lesbian marches in Warsaw, Poznan and Krakow between 2001 and 2007, and five of these interviews were further accompanied by photo-elicitation (self-directed photography) methods. Starting from the processes whereby from 2001 onwards, marches, pride parades and demonstrations became the most visible and contested activity of the Polish lesbian and gay movement, this thesis examines how the activists redefined the meanings of citizenship in the post-transformation context, by incorporating the theme of sexual minorities' rights. Using Bernstein's (1997, 2002, 2005, 2008) concept of identity deployment, I show how and when movement actors use identity tactically, depending on their goals. Specifically, in the context of movement-media interactions, I examine the ways in which the activists use marches to challenge the negative representations of sexual minorities in Poland. I also broaden Bernstein's framework to include the discussion of emotion work as relevant to public LGBT activism in Poland. Later, I discuss how the emotions of protests allowed the activists to inscribe their efforts into the "revolutionary" narrative of the Polish Solidarity movement and by extension, the frame of citizenship. Finally, this thesis engages with the dilemmas of identity deployment strategies, and seeks to problematise the dichotomy between identity-based gay and lesbian assimilationist strategies and the anti-identity queer politics.

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This is the essay prepared for the exhibition titled 'Hot Chocolate' held at the SASA Gallery, Adelaide, South Australia, 24 October - 29 November, 2012. Below are the words that start the essay and which provide a glimpse of the artworks in the exhibition. By agreeing to work together in this exhibition, the artists in Hot Chocolate delivered across an eclectic assortment of academic enquiry: • the politics of identity • the politics of desire • fetishisation of racial and othered bodies • origin and place • the politics of skin • events, moments, and ephemerality • need We too, talked, laughed, cried and worked through these issues in relation to the artworks submitted, including Pamela’s work, and to the theory and literature we have read and utilised in our words with each other and communities. We begin this piece by reflecting on the writings of bell hooks, whose words kissed us awake and stirred us at the start of our respective formal research journeys. We align her words with some of our activism, advocacy, academic and community work. We will weave the magical lyrics from the 1970s iconic band Hot Chocolate throughout this essay.

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The term ‘‘new media’’ has been in play for decades now, and one might be forgiven for wondering how much longer digital forms and platforms can really be called ‘‘new,’’ or even what the scholarship of new media contributes to knowledge. Is it possible to say new things about new media? We think so. This Companion not only demonstrates the variety, salience, and importance of new media studies but also proposes a distinctive approach to the topic : an approach we call ‘‘new media dynamics.’’ In this view, what’s interesting about ‘‘new media’’ is not novelty as such but dynamism. Capitalism, technology, social networks, and media all evolve and change, sometimes to our delight, sometimes our dismay. This incessant process of disruption, renewal, and eventual (if often partial) replacement is now one of humanity’s central experiences. This cutting-edge collection brings together a stellar array of the world’s top researchers, cultural entrepreneurs, and emerging scholars to give the dynamics of new media their first full-length, multidisciplinary, historical, and critical treatment. Across 34 chapters, an international line-up of the very best authors reflects on the historical, technical, cultural, and political changes that underlie the emergence of new media, as existing patterns and assumptions are challenged by the forces of ‘‘creative destruction’’ and innovation, both economic and cultural. At the same time they show that familiar themes and problems carry through from ‘‘old’’media – questions of identity, sexuality, politics, relationships, and meaning.

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While the neural regions associated with facial identity recognition are considered to be well defined, the neural correlates of non-moving and moving images of facial emotion processing are less clear. This study examined the brain electrical activity changes in 26 participants (14 males M = 21.64, SD = 3.99; 12 females M = 24.42, SD = 4.36), during a passive face viewing task, a scrambled face task and separate emotion and gender face discrimination tasks. The steady state visual evoked potential (SSVEP) was recorded from 64-electrode sites. Consistent with previous research, face related activity was evidenced at scalp regions over the parieto-temporal region approximately 170 ms after stimulus presentation. Results also identified different SSVEP spatio-temporal changes associated with the processing of static and dynamic facial emotions with respect to gender, with static stimuli predominately associated with an increase in inhibitory processing within the frontal region. Dynamic facial emotions were associated with changes in SSVEP response within the temporal region, which are proposed to index inhibitory processing. It is suggested that static images represent non-canonical stimuli which are processed via different mechanisms to their more ecologically valid dynamic counterparts.

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It has been estimated that one out of forty people in the general population suffer from congenital prosopagnosia (CP), a neurodevelopmental disorder characterized by difficulty identifying people by their faces. CP involves impairment in recognising faces, although the perception of non-face stimuli may also be impaired. Given that social interaction does not only depend on face processing, but also the processing of bodies, it is of theoretical importance to ascertain whether CP is also characterised by body perception impairments. Here, we tested eleven CPs and eleven matched control participants on the Body Identity Recognition Task (BIRT), a forced-choice match-to-sample task, using stimuli that require processing of body, not clothing, specific features. Results indicated that the group of CPs was as accurate as controls on the BIRT, which is in line with the lack of body perception complaints by CPs. However the CPs were slower than controls, and when accuracy and response times were combined into inverse efficiency scores (IES), the group of CPs were impaired, suggesting that the CPs could be using more effortful cognitive mechanisms to be as accurate as controls. In conclusion, our findings demonstrate CP may not generally be limited to face processing difficulties, but may also extend to body perception

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La version intégrale de ce mémoire est disponible uniquement pour consultation individuelle à la Bibliothèque de musique de l’Université de Montréal (http://www.bib.umontreal.ca/MU).