70 resultados para Housework


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This paper examines men's and women's levels of satisfaction with the domestic division of labour. In most households women continue to undertake the bulk of childcare and housework duties and consequently spend significantly greater amounts of time on domestic labour than men. Men report high levels of satisfaction with these arrangements, but surprisingly we find that almost half of our sample of women also report satisfaction with these arrangements. This finding has been reported in studies from several countries. Our paper attempts to explain this apparent paradox. Using data from a recent national survey in Australia we explore gender differences in levels of satisfaction with the domestic division of labour and examine women's levels of satisfaction with household work arrangements in relation to a number of factors such as labour force attachment, attitudes to Sender roles and husbands' participation in domestic labour. Our findings raise implications for the meaning of equity within the household.

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This paper examines men's and women's participation in housework in the United States, Sweden, Norway, Canada and Australia. While there has been considerable research into the factors relating to the division of housework between husbands and wives within countries, very little research has examined the way in which housework patterns vary across countries. The results show that women continue to undertake the bulk of domestic labor in all five countries, and that the factors determining men's and women's participation in housework do not vary markedly across countries. This suggests that variations across countries in levels of gender equality at a broader level have only very limited effects on levels of gender equality in the home.

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OBJECTIVE: To evaluate the hypothesis that work burden, the simultaneous engagement in paid work and unpaid family housework, is a potential risk factor for psychiatric symptoms among women. METHODS: A cross-sectional study was carried out with 460 women randomly selected from a poor area of the city of Salvador, Brazil. Women between 18 to 70 years old, who reported having a paid occupation or were involved in unpaid domestic activities for their families, were eligible. Work burden-related variables were defined as: a) double work shift, i.e., simultaneous engagement in a paid job plus unpaid housework; and b) daily working time. Psychiatric symptoms were collected through a validated questionnaire, the QMPA. RESULTS: Positive, statistically significant associations between high (>7 symptoms) QMPA scores and either double work shift (prevalence ratio -- PR=2.04, 95% confidence interval -- CI: 1.16, 2.29) or more than 10 hours of daily work time (PR=2.29, 95% CI: 1.96, 3.43) were found after adjustment for age, marital status and number of pre-school children. CONCLUSIONS: Major correlates of high QMPA scores are work burden variables. Being married or having pre-school children are also associated with high QMPA scores only when associated with work burden.

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We offer new evidence on multi-level determinants of the gender division of housework. Using data from the 2004 European Social Survey (ESS) for 26 European, we study the micro and macro-level factors which increase the likelihood of men doing an equal or greater share of housework than their female partners. A sample of 11,915 young men and women is analysed with a multi-level logistic regression in order to test at individual level the classic relative-income, time-availability and gender-role values, and a new couple conflict hypothesis. At individual level we find significant relationships between relative resources, values, couple's disagreement, and the division of housework which support more economic dependency than "doing gender" perspectives. At the macro-level, we find important composition effects and also support for gender empowerment, family model and social stratification explanations of cross-country differences.

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This paper is aimed at exploring the determinants of female activity from a dynamic perspective. An event-history analysis of the transition form employment to housework has been made resorting to data from the European Household Panel Survey. Four countries representing different welfare regimes and, more specifically, different family policies, have been selected for the analysis: Britain, Denmark, Germany and Spain. The results confirm the importance of individual-level factors, which is consistent with an economic approach to female labour supply. Nonetheless, there are significant cross-national differences in how these factors act over the risk of abandoning the labour market. First, the number of trnasitions is much lower among Danish working women than among British, German or Spanish ones, revealing the relative importance of universal provision of childcare services, vis-à-vis other elements of the family policy, as time or money.

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Over the twentieth century, the allocation of womens' time changed dramatically. This paper explores the implications for the allocation of married womens' time stemming from: (1) the household revolution associated with the introduction of a variety of labor-saving devices in the home; (2) the remarkable increase in the relative wage of women; and (3) changes in childcare requirements associated with changes in fertility patterns. To do so, we construct a life-cycle model with home production and childcare constraints. The parameters of the childcare production function are estimated using micro evidence from U.S. time use data. We find that the increase in the relative wage of women is the most important explanation of the increase in married womens' market work time over the twentieth century. Changes in fertility had large effects up to 1980, but little effect thereafter. The declining price of durables has an appreciable effect only since 1980, an effect that is consistent with a broader interpretation of durable goods reflecting the marketization of home production.

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Resumen tomado de la publicaci??n

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Incluye Bibliografía

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A number of recent studies have suggested that households in western countries are increasingly turning to paid household help to perform a range of domestic tasks formerly carried out by women at home. But while expenditure on meal services, in the form of eating out or buying take out food has undoubtedly increased in recent years, the percentage of households that employ paid help with routine everyday housework activities, such as cleaning, appears to be comparatively low in many western countries. In Australia our data indicate that only 19 per cent of couple households pay someone to do domestic work, and only 11 per cent of couple households employ paid help with routine house cleaning. In this paper we use data from the Negotiating the Life Course survey, 1997 to investigate why some households use paid help with domestic labour while others do not. We examine hypotheses relating to level of resources, level of demand and gender role attitudes. We also examine attitudes about whether paid domestic help is viewed as an efficient strategy for dealing with domestic tasks. We find that although resources, demand and gender role attitudes provide the parameters within which employing household help is made possible or desirable, beliefs about the effectiveness of this strategy are also very significant. The paper concludes that domestic outsourcing is doing little to relieve women's double burden of paid and unpaid work.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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OBJECTIVE: Evaluate the impact that trochanteric hip fractures produce on life quality of elderly patients, treated surgically, during one year of monitoring. METHODS: Were selected 73 elderly with transtrochanteric femur fracture, aged equal or over than 65 years and of both sexes. All participants underwent a standardized questionnaire which obtained information on lifestyle habits, functionality, physical activity, ambulation and cognitive state. Were excluded patients who died, not walking, with neurological diseases and pathological fractures. RESULTS: The average age was 80.17 ± 7.2 years and 75% was female. When comparing the summation of activities of daily living (p = 0.04) and instrumental daily living (p = 0.004) obtained before and after fracture, the patients become more dependent after fracture. Activities of daily living that worsened after fracture were bathing (p = 0.04), toileting (p = 0.02) and dressing (p = 0.04). All instrumental activities of daily living showed a significant difference, with functional dependence after fracture, increased need for walking aid (p = 0.00002), aged (p = 0.01) and not doing housework (p = 0.01). The low score on the test Minimental was associated with a greater dependence to perform activities of daily living before (p = 0.00002) and after (p = 0.01) fracture. CONCLUSION: After a year, activities of daily living that depended on the lower limbs worsened significantly, all instrumental activities of daily living were significantly worse in more than 50% of patients and more than half of patients who walked without support lost this ability.

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O estudo do uso do tempo considera a heterogeneidade do envelhecimento, analisando-o multifatorialmente, permitindo vislumbrar o estilo de vida de indivíduos idosos. Este estudo objetivou descrever o uso do tempo de 75 idosas (68,04 ± 8,36 anos), através das suas atividades diárias. Instrumentos utilizados: teste de cognição (Clock Completion Test), formulário para dados pessoais e entrevista estruturada (Time Diary) para relato das atividades diárias. Para decodificação e classificação das atividades diárias, utilizou-se a classificação australiana para estudos de uso do tempo, distribuindo-as em nove grupos de atividades principais. Foram verificados os contextos físico (local) e social (parceiros sociais) das atividades. Verificou-se que grande parte do tempo destinou-se às atividades obrigatórias (atividades domésticas e de cuidados pessoais). A maior proporção do tempo livre destinou-se ao lazer passivo (assistir televisão) com pouco envolvimento em atividades físicas. A casa e estar com membros da família ou sozinhas representaram o contexto físico e social mais presentes. O estudo permitiu um vislumbre do estilo de vida do grupo. Provavelmente houve influência de fatores individuais como idade, gênero, grau de instrução, estado civil e nível socioeconômico sobre os padrões encontrados para o uso do tempo.