Late twentieth century congressional leaders as shapers of and hostages to political context: Gingrich, Hastert, and Lott

Most contemporary explanations of congressional leadership postulate a version of contextual theory that typically places greatest emphasis on the strength of party and downplays the personal skills of individual leaders. By analyzing the leadership of just three recent individuals—Gingrich, Hastert, and Lott—this essay demonstrates the extent to which these leaders' different styles, skills, and characteristics interacted with changing political contexts and strategic environments to impact political and policy outcomes. Context matters, but so does leadership skill. Most graphically, Gingrich—a rare transforming leader in Burns' typology—demonstrates the importance of the right person and the right conditions being in place at the same time and the ability of an individual imaginative leader to intervene exogenously to have a significant effect on policy outcomes. Yet the essay also demonstrates that even where leaders adopt more conventional transactional styles, as Hastert and Lott did, the skill and success with which they juggle political pressures emanating from different, often conflicting, contexts—skills in context—also matters.

Hostages to Moscow, clients of Beijing. Security in Central Asia as the role of the West diminishes. OSW Study 10/2014

The goal of this publication is to attempt to assess the thirteen years (2001- -2014) of the West’s military presence in the countries of post-Soviet Central Asia, closely associated with the ISAF and OEF-A (Operation Enduring Freedom – Afghanistan) missions in Afghanistan. There will also be an analysis of the actual challenges for the region’s stability after 2014. The current and future security architecture in Central Asia will also be looked at closely, as will the actual capabilities to counteract the most serious threats within its framework. The need to separately handle the security system in Central Asia and security as such is dictated by the particularities of political situation in the region, the key mechanism of which is geopolitics understood as global superpower rivalry for influence with a secondary or even instrumental role of the five regional states, while ignoring their internal problems. Such an approach is especially present in Russia’s perception of Central Asia, as it views security issues in geopolitical categories. Because of this, security analysis in the Central Asian region requires a broader geopolitical context, which was taken into account in this publication. The first part investigates the impact of the Western (primarily US) military and political presence on the region’s geopolitical architecture between 2001 and 2014. The second chapter is an attempt to take an objective look at the real challenges to regional security after the withdrawal of the coalition forces from Afghanistan, while the third chapter is dedicated to analysing the probable course of events in the security dimension following 2014. The accuracy of predictions time-wise included in the below publication does not exceed three to five years due to the dynamic developments in Central Asia and its immediate vicinity (the former Soviet Union, Afghanistan, Pakistan, Iran), and because of the large degree of unpredictability of policies of one of the key regional actors – Russia (both in the terms of its activity on the international arena, and its internal developments).

Hostages to dialogue. The process of normalising Serbian-Kosovar relations. OSW COMMENTARY No. 214, 2016-06-08

In March 2011, the governments of Kosovo and Serbia started a dialogue that was intended to lead to the normalisation of mutual relations. This process, launched under the pressure of the EU, was aimed at building up confidence between the parties and resolving the everyday problems of the Serbian and Albanian communities, and as a consequence, reducing tension in the Western Balkans. The start of talks between representatives of the antagonist countries was the breakthrough that led to the Kosovo government gaining control over the whole of its territory, the establishment of a border (or ‘administrative boundary line’, as Belgrade calls it), and the start of the process of subordinating the Kosovo Serbian institutions to the authorities in Prishtina. Serbia also lifted its trade blockade on Kosovo, and allowed Prishtina to join the regional organisations. As a result, progress has been made in the process of integration of both states with the EU: Serbia has started accession negotiations, and Kosovo has signed a Stabilisation and Association Agreement (SAA).

Hostages to fortune; a novel,

Mode of access: Internet.

Special Central American economic assistance [microform] : compensation for hostages in Iran : international conference on Cambodia : hearing and markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, Ninety-sixth Congress, first session, on H.R. 5954, H. Con. Res. 219 and 221, November 27 and December 11, 1979.

Reuse of record except for individual research requires license from Congressional Information Service, Inc.

Self-defence against terrorism in the post 9/11 world

In 1986 the then United States Secretary of State George Shultz asserted that: It is absurd to argue that international law prohibits us from capturing terrorists in international waters or airspace; from attacking them on the soil of other nations, even for the purpose of rescuing hostages; or from using force against states that support, train and harbor terrorists or guerrillas. At that time the United States’ claim of a right to use military force in self-defence against terrorism2 received little support from other states.3 The predominant view then was that terrorist attacks committed by private or non-state actors were a form of criminal activity to be combated through domestic and international criminal justice mechanisms. The notion that such terrorist acts should be treated as ‘armed attacks’ triggering a victim state’s right of self-defence was not accepted by the majority of states. To suggest, as Shultz had done, that a state not directly responsible for terrorist acts could have its territorial integrity violated by military action targeting terrorists located within that state, was a controversial proposition in 1986. However, some fifteen years later, when the United States and a coalition of allies launched a military campaign in Afghanistan following the 11 September 2001 (hereafter ‘9/11’) terrorist attacks, there was virtually unanimous international support for the use of force.

El confinamiento de los prisioneros de guerra y rehenes en la Roma republicana

Dossier monográfico: Puesta en escena y escenarios en la diplomacia del mundo romano

Raptos, sequestros e tomada de reféns

In this thesis we address the paradigms and inconsistencies involving crisis kidnappings and hostage-taking. This work particularly focuses on foreign hostages seized by terrorists and guerrilla movements. It highlights major global events that have contributed to the collective awareness of the phenomenon and the evolution of international agreements and protocols. We focus on the episodes involving Portugal or Portuguese abroad, particularly on the kidnapping of Portuguese in the Cabinda enclave. It also deals with the problems associated with the payment of ransoms, the increasing involvement of private agents in addressing these crises, and incongruities in the motivations of the kidnappers.

Death for life : a study of targeted killing by States in international law

"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit (LL.M.)". Ce mémoire a été accepté à l'unanimité et classé parmi les 10% des mémoires de la discipline.

La incidencia del Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán en el establecimiento de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en Asia Central 1991-2012

El interés del presente estudio de caso es analizar la estrategia de securitización implementada por el Presidente de la Republica de Uzbekistán Islam Karimov sobre el Movimiento Islámico de Uzbekistán. Se describe y se explica cómo desde las lógicas históricas y étnicas acontecidas en Asia Central, se pueden comprender los alcances internacionales de la confrontación antagónica ejercida entre uzbekos al apoyar ideas de corte secular e islamista. Así, siguiendo los parámetros establecidos por Barry Buzan con respecto a la securitización, se puede llegar a identificar la creación de una agenda de seguridad uzbeka en la región de Asia Central, cuyos logros permitieron disminuir el riesgo de la amenaza insurgente.

The repatriation of 1973 and the re-making of modern south Asia

In the aftermath of the 1971 war, nearly 250,000 people found themselves stranded in various parts of the subcontinent. These 'trapped minorities' became hostages in a complex negotiation process that highlighted how questions of citizenship and belonging remained unresolved in post-Partition South Asia. By studying three groups - the non-Bengalis, the Bengalis and the prisoners of war in a comparative perspective, this paper re-visits the question of who was welcome within certain borders and on what terms. It argues that these decisions depended not just on the state's policies towards 'outsiders' but also upon its own relationship with its minority communities.

Building trust in cross-sector R&D collaborations : the role of credible commitments

This paper reports selected findings from a study of one form of cross-boundary relationship: cross-sector R&D collaboration under the Australian Cooperative Research Centre (CRC) Programme. The study sought to explain project partners’ collaboration experience using a theoretical model which was empirically tested with a survey of CRC project leaders. It was hypothesised (H1) that the higher the level of relational trust (measured, following Sako, in terms of contractual, competence, and goodwill trust) amongst the partners in a collaborative project team, the more positive would be the partners’ experience of the project. The construct of credible commitments (the making of pledges, or the economic equivalent of the taking of hostages, which bind partners to a relationship) was posed in the model as an antecedent of relational trust. Accordingly it was hypothesised (H2) that the more that credible commitments are made by the project partners, the higher would be the level of relational trust between them. Data from the achieved sample (n = 156, 51% response rate) were analysed using PLS Graph. The results of the analysis provided support for hypothesis 1 but not for hypothesis 2. It was concluded that this latter finding could be due to the specific context of the study (cross-sector R&D collaborations under the CRC Programme differ markedly from inter-firm strategic alliances), or it could be due to the complex nature of credible commitments which was not adequately captured by our measure of this construct. Further research is required in this area to clarify the nature credible commitments, and the circumstances under which they contribute to a spiral of rising trust, in different cross-boundary contexts.

Processos de subjetivação, poder disciplinar e trabalho docente no Grupo Escolar Professor Manoel Antonio de Castro (1940 – 1970)

Este trabalho tem por finalidade discutir os Grupos Escolares como espaço de subjetivação e cultivo do poder disciplinar; analisar os aspectos característicos expressos na biopolítica instaurada pelo Estado a partir do currículo proposto pelas reformas educacionais contidas na Constituição Federal de 1946, nos Decretos-Lei nº 8529 e 8530 de janeiro de 1946, na Constituição Federal de 1967 e na Lei de Diretrizes e Bases da Educação brasileira (LDB) Lei nº 4024/61; identificar os dispositivos pedagógicos conformadores do processo de subjetivação docente. As questões mobilizadoras desta caminhada foram as seguintes: Como os Grupos Escolares cultivaram em seus espaços o processo de subjetivação e o poder disciplinar? Como a biopolítica curricular conformou o processo de subjetivação do trabalho docente? Que dispositivos pedagógicos influenciaram no processo de subjetivação do trabalho docente no Grupo Escolar Professor Manoel Antonio de Castro (GEPMAC)? Trata-se de um estudo de caráter bibliográfico e documental. Com suporte na análise de documentos oficiais dos arquivos públicos de instituições como: Câmara Municipal, Arquivo Público Municipal e Estadual, Sindicato dos Profissionais de Educação do Município e os Arquivos da Secretaria do GEPMAC. A pesquisa incidiu no período histórico de 1940 a 1970, época de institucionalização das Constituições Federais de 1946 e 1967, dos Decretos-Lei nº 8929 do ensino primário e nº 8930 referente à escola normal e da reforma educacional oriunda da lei de nº 4.024 de 1961, além da fala de três ex-professoras do Grupo Escolar que fizeram parte da análise deste trabalho. O estudo foi fundamentado teoricamente nos escritos do Filósofo Michel Foucault do qual se utilizou as ferramentas analíticas, as relações de poder/saber que envolvem simultaneamente a análise do discurso, relações de poder e o processo de subjetivação. A partir dessas análises consideramos que a história da educação brasileira foi e é predominantemente direcionada pelo que Foucault chama de governamentalidade a partir de discursos de verdades. Embora o Estado intervenha no controle social da educação e do trabalho docente, estes sujeitos não são reféns das ações idealizadas no âmbito do poder oficial, pois em suas práticas e envolvimento com os dispositivos pedagógicos cumprem com exigências institucionais, mas, também, reagem a elas, seja ignorando-as ou reagindo ou repelindo a ação estatal.