980 resultados para Greek culture


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In Victoria, Aboriginal peoples are collectively known as Koories (Koori History Website 2014). It’s a name that most people are comfortable with, even though each Koori will also hold their own specific tribal affiliations (Horton 1999). For example, the people of the Kulin nation are the Traditional Owners of the land that is now known by the English name of Melbourne. I am an Aboriginal Australian woman who originates from south-east Queensland (Brisbane/Ipswich). In south-east Queensland, some groups are collectively referred to as Murries...

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Abstract: Fear is commonly regarded as a natural emotion in war, present as well in ancient Greek warfare. Greek literary sources occasionally emphasize the emotions connected to the contemporary experience of combat from a primarily narrative perspective. This paper will offer an introduction to the Greek notion and conceptualization of fear in the classical period and its relationship with war, intending to achieve a better understanding of its role in the literary sources and, ultimately, its relevance in Greek culture and warfare.

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Celem niniejszego artykułu jest wskazanie i przedyskutowanie (z perspektywy filozofii komunikacji i teorii komunikacji) kilku konsekwencji wynikających z badań nad fenomenem komunikacji. Oprócz zagadnień związanych z filozoficznym ujęciem procesu komunikacji podejmuje się również problematykę wyłonienia się myślenia metafizycznego w starożytnej Grecji. Artykuł ten jest próbą wskazania warunków, które należy spełnić, aby prowadzić filozoficznie uprawnioną refleksję nad procesem komunikacji. Całość została podzielona na trzy główne działy: w pierwszym są prezentowane dwa poziomy rekonstrukcji sytuacji komunikacyjnej w kulturze archaicznej; w drugim rozważa się zagadnienie początków relacji symbolizowania oraz zjednoczenia myślenia i działania. Trzecia część poświęcona jest źródłom myślenia metafizycznego oraz symboliczności komunikacji. Najistotniejszy wniosek wynikający z rozważań zawarty w artykule dotyczy nie-symbolicznego ujęcia procesów komunikacyjnych.

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Estetyka w archeologii. Antropomorfizacje w pradziejach i starożytności, eds. E. Bugaj, A. P. Kowalski, Poznań: Wydawnictwo Poznańskie.

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In this thesis we propose to examine the first half of the Phaedrus (sc. until the end of the palinode) in light of the opposition between the notions of μανία and φρονεῖν, as they are explicitly and implicitly presented in the erotic speeches. These are read in dialogue with what we have designated as the “implicit speech” or “speeches”, i.e., the plurality of conceptions regarding ἔρως, μανία and φρονεῖν that were part of Ancient Greek culture. Our reading of the two speeches against ἔρως, Lysias’ and Socrates’ first speech, engages with this cultural background, and extracts a conception of μανία and φρονεῖν with which the palinode will primarily confront. Our reading of the palinode divides it into two sections: the first, the presentation of the first three kinds of beneficial μανία; the second, the mythical narrative that deals with erotic μανία. We emphasise the existence of a wide gulf between these two moments in terms of their ontological, theological and anthropological conceptions. The second section of the palinode is revolutionary not only in contrast with the “implicit speech” and the speeches against ἔρως, but also in contrast with the very beginning of the palinode – which preserves many of the conceptions and assumptions found in the previous speeches and in the cultural tradition. It is in order to explain the foundation, meaning and significance of this gulf that we explore and discuss the notion of ὑπόθεσις and its role as an implicit operator in the Phaedrus. From our reading of the second part of the palinode, it is clear how the introduction of the ὑπερουράνιος τόπος brings about a radical revision of the perspectives on the nature of reality and on human nature and condition that were implicit in the previous speeches and in the first part of the palinode. We show that the ὑπερουράνιος τόπος corresponds to the projection of a multiplicity of cognitive and desiderative requirements that our normal perspective demands, but cannot possibly satisfy. In other words, our perspective is shown to be living beyond its means, yearning for something that by far exceeds what it can get in its de facto condition: the superlative. This results in a major revision of the understanding of φρονεῖν and μανία – a revision that challenges the traditional understanding of these two notions as binary opposites, thereby revealing a much more complex landscape.

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This thesis deals with the nature of ignorance as it was interpreted in the Upani~adic tradition, specifically in Advaita Vedanta, and in early and Mahayana Buddhism , e specially in the Madhyamika school of Buddhism. The approach i s a historical and comparative one. It examines the early thoughts of both the upanis.a ds and Buddhism abou t avidya (ignorance), shows how the notion was treated by the more speculative and philosphically oriented schools which base d themselves on the e arly works, and sees how their views differ. The thesis will show that the Vedinta tended to treat avidya as a topic for metaphysical s peculation as t he s chool developed, drifting from its initial e xistential concerns, while the Madhyamika remained in contact with the e xistential concerns evident in the first discourses of the Buddha. The word "notion" has been chosen for use in referring t o avidya, even though it may have non-intellectual and emotional connotations, to avoid more popular a lternatives such as "concept" or "idea". In neither the Upani,ads, Advaita Vedanta, or Buddhism is ignorance merely a concept or an idea. Only in a secondary sense, in texts and speech , does it become one. Avidya has more to do with the lived situation in which man finds himself, with the subjectobject separation in which he f eels he exists, than with i i i intel lect ual constr ucts . Western thought has begun to r ealize the same with concerns such as being in modern ontology, and has chosen to speak about i t i n terms of the question of being . Avidya, however, i s not a 'question' . If q ue stions we r e to be put regarding the nature of a vidya , they would be more of t he sort "What is not avidya?", though e ven here l anguage bestows a status t o i t which avidya does not have. In considering a work of the Eastern tradition, we f ace t he danger of imposing Western concepts on it. Granted t hat avidya is customari ly r endered i n English as ignorance, the ways i n which the East and West view i gno rance di f f er. Pedagogically , the European cultures, grounded in the ancient Greek culture, view ignorance as a l ack or an emptiness. A child is i gnorant o f certain t hings and the purpose o f f ormal education , in f act if not in theory, is to fill him with enough knowledge so that he can cope wit h t he complexities and the e xpectations of s ociety. On another level, we feel t hat study and research will l ead t o the discovery o f solutions, which we now lack , for problems now defying solut i on . The East, on the o t her hand, sees avidya in a d i fferent light.Ignorance isn't a lack, but a presence. Religious and philosophical l iterature directs its efforts not towards acquiring something new, but at removing t.he ideas and opinions that individuals have formed about themselves and the world. When that is fully accomplished, say the sages , t hen Wisdom, which has been obscured by those opinions, will present itself. Nothing new has to be learned, t hough we do have t o 'learn' that much. The growing interest in t he West with Eastern religions and philosophies may, in time, influence our theoretical and practical approaches to education and learning, not only in the established educati onal institutions, but in religious , p sychological, and spiritual activities as well. However, the requirements o f this thesis do no t permit a formulation of revolutionary method or a call to action. It focuses instead on the textual arguments which attempt to convince readers that t he world in which they take themselves to exist is not, in essence, real, on the ways i n which the l imitations of language are disclosed, and on the provisional and limited schemes that are built up to help students see through their ignorance. The metaphysic s are provisional because they act only as spurs and guides. Both the Upanisadic and Buddhist traditions that will be dealt with here stress that language constantly fails to encompass the Real. So even terms s uch as 'the Real', 'Absolute', etc., serve only to lead to a transcendent experience . The sections dealing with the Upanisads and Advaita Vedanta show some of the historical evolution of the notion of avidya, how it was dealt with as maya , and the q uestions that arose as t o its locus. With Gau?apada we see the beginnings of a more abstract treatment of the topic, and , the influence of Buddhism. Though Sankhara' S interest was primarily directed towards constructing a philosophy to help others attain mok~a ( l iberation), he too introduced t echnica l t e rminology not found in the works of his predecessors. His work is impressive , but areas of it are incomplete. Numbers of his followers tried to complete the systematic presentation of his insi ghts . Their work focuses on expl anat i ons of adhyasa (superimposition ) , t he locus and object of ignorance , and the means by which Brahman takes itself to be the jiva and the world. The section on early Buddhism examines avidya in the context o f the four truths, together with dubkha (suffering), the r ole it p l ays in t he chain of dependent c ausation , a nd t he p r oblems that arise with t he doctrine of anatman. With t he doct rines of e arly Buddhism as a base, the Madhyamika elaborated questions that the Buddha had said t e nded not t o edi f ication. One of these had to do with own - being or svabhava. Thi s serves a s a centr e around which a discussion o f i gnorance unfolds, both i ndividual and coll ective ignorance. There follows a treatment of the cessation of ignorance as it is discussed within this school . The final secti on tries to present t he similarities and differences i n the natures o f ignorance i n t he two traditions and discusses the factors responsible for t hem . ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS I would like to thank Dr. Sinha for the time spent II and suggestions made on the section dealing with Sankara and the Advait.a Vedanta oommentators, and Dr. Sprung, who supervised, direoted, corrected and encouraged the thesis as a whole, but especially the section on Madhyamika, and the final comparison.

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The study of cities is integral to the study of the Hellenistic Age, the period bounded by the deaths of two legendary rulers: Alexander in 323 BC and Kleopatra in 30 BC. Modern scholarship has followed in the footsteps of Johann-Gustav Droysen, who coined the term 'Hellenistic' in the nineteenth century and associated it with the diffusion of Greek culture through the founding of new cities in the East by Alexander and his successors. Hellenistic Athens, traditionally discussed under the rubric of its Classical legacy and/or in contrast with thriving cities, such as Pergamon, has been presented as a backwater exemplifying the demise of the 'polis'. My objective in this paper is to criticise these negative sentiments by exploring how the built environment of Hellenistic Athens could potentially become an indicator of city vitality.

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The arguments of the thesis is the relationship between the Norman domination and the Greek-speaking people living in Sicily and Southern Italy. Particularly the ascendancy of the greek culture on the norman architecture and his role in the construction of the Norman Kingdom.

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El objetivo de este trabajo es investigar la historia de la monstruosidad femenina en la literatura griega antigua para recuperar algunas estructuras arquetípicas de pensamiento que se ocupan de la antigua y moderna conciencia colectiva sobre el problema del mal, su naturaleza, sus razones y también su falta de razones. De este modo yo repasé las "vidas paralelas" de tres famosas mujeres fatales de la mitología clásica que, colocadas en puntos decisivos de árboles genealógicos horribles llenas de 'maldiciones genéticas', son capaces de formar un tríptico bien definido de "medallones" enmarcados por un fil rouge de la monstruosidad ininterrumpida. Paradigmático de la dialéctica ambigua entre hombre-mujer, bien-mal, víctima-verdugo, normalidad-desviación, y de las dinámicas incontrolables entre los crímenes y los castigos, miedos ancestrales y deseo de descubrimiento, demonios buenos y malos, los mitos de Lamia, Circe y Empusa destacan la atracción irracional que, en la cultura griega antigua, tan racionalista, las personificaciones femeninas del mal son imaginadas moviéndose, con el fin de influir en la conducta humana en las principales etapas de la vida

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El objetivo de este trabajo es investigar la historia de la monstruosidad femenina en la literatura griega antigua para recuperar algunas estructuras arquetípicas de pensamiento que se ocupan de la antigua y moderna conciencia colectiva sobre el problema del mal, su naturaleza, sus razones y también su falta de razones. De este modo yo repasé las "vidas paralelas" de tres famosas mujeres fatales de la mitología clásica que, colocadas en puntos decisivos de árboles genealógicos horribles llenas de 'maldiciones genéticas', son capaces de formar un tríptico bien definido de "medallones" enmarcados por un fil rouge de la monstruosidad ininterrumpida. Paradigmático de la dialéctica ambigua entre hombre-mujer, bien-mal, víctima-verdugo, normalidad-desviación, y de las dinámicas incontrolables entre los crímenes y los castigos, miedos ancestrales y deseo de descubrimiento, demonios buenos y malos, los mitos de Lamia, Circe y Empusa destacan la atracción irracional que, en la cultura griega antigua, tan racionalista, las personificaciones femeninas del mal son imaginadas moviéndose, con el fin de influir en la conducta humana en las principales etapas de la vida

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El objetivo de este trabajo es investigar la historia de la monstruosidad femenina en la literatura griega antigua para recuperar algunas estructuras arquetípicas de pensamiento que se ocupan de la antigua y moderna conciencia colectiva sobre el problema del mal, su naturaleza, sus razones y también su falta de razones. De este modo yo repasé las "vidas paralelas" de tres famosas mujeres fatales de la mitología clásica que, colocadas en puntos decisivos de árboles genealógicos horribles llenas de 'maldiciones genéticas', son capaces de formar un tríptico bien definido de "medallones" enmarcados por un fil rouge de la monstruosidad ininterrumpida. Paradigmático de la dialéctica ambigua entre hombre-mujer, bien-mal, víctima-verdugo, normalidad-desviación, y de las dinámicas incontrolables entre los crímenes y los castigos, miedos ancestrales y deseo de descubrimiento, demonios buenos y malos, los mitos de Lamia, Circe y Empusa destacan la atracción irracional que, en la cultura griega antigua, tan racionalista, las personificaciones femeninas del mal son imaginadas moviéndose, con el fin de influir en la conducta humana en las principales etapas de la vida

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O encontro entre o cristianismo e a cultura grega foi um dos grandes eventos ocorridos na história da humanidade. Esse acontecimento possibilitou a expansão do cristianismo para além de sua terra natal já a partir do primeiro século d.C. Em curto espaço de tempo o cristianismo foi capaz de se estabelecer em diversas localidades do mundo antigo. Esse deslocamento propiciou sua divisão em várias vertentes, cada uma interpretando Jesus a sua maneira. A que se projetou para o norte do continente africano fomentou um tipo de cristianismo, ao que tudo indica, com traços gnósticos. Essa possibilidade veio à tona a partir de alguns escritos encontrados nessa região em meados do século XX e atribuídos a essa vertente cristã. Esta pesquisa tem como proposta analisar esse viés cristão com base nessas descobertas. Esse grupo, considerado minoritário, possuía algumas reivindicações frente ao cristianismo oficializado que os considerava herege. O alvo pesquisado foi à concepção de Jesus que os gnósticos sustentavam uma vez que se consideravam cristãos.