755 resultados para Government Transparency


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Interest in public accountability and government transparency is increasing worldwide. The literature on the determinants of transparency is evolving but is still in its early stages. So far, it has typically focused on national or regional governments while neglecting the local government level. This paper builds on the scarce knowledge available in order to examine the economic, social, and institutional determinants of local government transparency in Spain. We draw on a 2010 survey and the transparency indexes constructed by the NGO Transparency International (Spain) in order to move beyond the fiscal transparency addressed in previous work. In so doing, we broaden the analysis of transparency to the corporate, social, fiscal, contracting, and planning activities of governments. Our results on overall transparency indicate that large municipalities and left-wing local government leaders are associated with better transparency indexes; while the worst results are presented by provincial capitals, cities where tourist activity is particularly important and local governments that enjoy an absolute majority. The analysis of other transparency categories generally shows the consistent impact of these determinants and the need to consider a wider set of variables to capture their effect.

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This paper studies a model of announcements by a privately informed government about the future state of the economic activity in an economy subject to recurrent shocks and with distortions due to income taxation. Although transparent communication would ex ante be desirable, we find that even a benevolent government may ex-post be non-informative, in an attempt to countervail the tax distortion with a "second best" compensating distortion in information. This result provides a rationale for independent national statistical offices, committed to truthful communication. We also find that whether inequality in income distribution favors or harms government transparency depends on labor supply elasticity.

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O presente trabalho, procura discutir o papel que a institucionalização de sistemas de avaliação de programas e políticas públicas podem desempenhar na criação ou aperfeiçoamento de mecanismos de accountability na gestão pública. Mais especificamente, se procura a analisar as relações entre o fortalecimento da função e da capacidade avaliadora do governo e a promoção de níveis crescentes de difusão de informação e criação de mecanismos de accountability. Analisando os casos do Sistema de Avaliação de Rendimento Escolar do Estado de São Paulo (SARESP) e Sistema de Monitoramento e avaliação do Programa Estadual de DST/AIDS (PE ¿ DST/AIDS) arriscamos uma hipótese para os diferentes graus de accountability proporcionados por tais mecanismos de avaliação; a saber, os diferentes níveis de transparência e responsabilização proporcionados pelos sistemas e mecanismos de avaliação parecem relacionar-se mais diretamente com o desenho institucional no qual se insere a política ou programa governamental e com os atores interessados (stakeholders) na sua gestão do que propriamente com as características intrínsecas às pesquisas ou sistemas de avaliação das políticas públicas

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Impulsionados por mudanças na legislação e pelo contexto de favorecimento de medidas de publicidade, vários órgãos governamentais vêm ampliando o leque de informações divulgadas nos seus portais de transparência. Entretanto, esse movimento não é uniforme certos órgãos têm tendência maior de serem mais transparentes que outros. Este trabalho sugere a montagem de um modelo de avaliação desses portais em relação à variedade, qualidade e acessibilidade das informações públicas cuja divulgação é exigida por lei e aplica-­o nos sites da Prefeitura de São Paulo, da Câmara Municipal e do Tribunal de Contas do Município. Foi verificada uma diferença significa na avaliação dos portais entre 2008 e 2013, também desigual de acordo com o órgão. Entrevistas com funcionários dos três órgãos indicam que fatores institucionais específicos como a accountability vertical, a receptividade em relação ao escrutínio público e a fiscalização por órgãos de controle são essenciais para entender a diferença nos estímulos para se ampliar a transparência governamental.

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Government transparency is imagined as a public good necessary to a robust democracy. Consistent with that vision, Congress enacted the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to allow oversight and accountability of governmental activities. No actors are more central to the design than journalists, who were not only the prime intended users, but who were intimately involved in crafting the law itself. But this democracy-enhancing ideal is at odds with FOIA’s reality: at some agencies, commercial — not public — interests dominate the landscape of FOIA requesters. This Article provides the first in-depth academic study of the commercial use of FOIA, drawing on original datasets from six federal agencies. It uses these agencies as case studies to examine the way that businesses derive profit-making value from free or low-cost federal records. Remarkably, these datasets also reveal a cottage industry of companies whose entire business model is to request federal records under FOIA and resell them at a profit. Information resellers are not isolated occurrences, but rather are some of the most frequent FOIA requesters — often submitting hundreds or even thousands of requests a year — at a variety of federal agencies. Commercial users certainly have legitimate information needs, but, as this Article demonstrates, the volume and character of the current commercial use of FOIA undermines its efficacy as a transparency tool. Private businesses in essence receive a substantial subsidy without any corresponding public good, all while draining agency resources that might otherwise be used to respond to FOIA requests that serve its central oversight and accountability aims. Moreover, information resellers have become the de facto locus for federal records for whole industries, effectively privatizing an important public function. Counter-intuitively, limiting commercial requesting will not solve this problem. Instead, this Article proposes a targeted and aggressive policy of requiring government agencies to affirmatively disclose sets of records that are routinely the subject of FOIA requests — a surprisingly large number of the documents sought by commercial requesters. By meeting information needs in a more efficient manner that is available equally to all, affirmative disclosure will enable federal agencies to reclaim public records from the private market and free up resources to better serve FOIA requests that advance its democratic purpose.

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Government transparency is imagined as a public good necessary to a robust democracy. Consistent with that vision, Congress enacted the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to allow oversight and accountability of governmental activities, imagining the prime intended users to be journalists. But this democracy-enhancing ideal is at odds with FOIA’s reality: at some agencies, commercial—not public—interests dominate the landscape of FOIA requesters. This Article provides the first in-depth academic study of the commercial use of FOIA, drawing on original datasets from six federal agencies. It documents how corporations, in pursuit of private profit, have overrun FOIA’s supremely inexpensive processes and, in so doing, potentially crowded out journalists and other government watchdogs from doing what the law was intended to facilitate: thirdparty oversight of governmental actors. It also reveals a cottage industry of companies whose entire business model is to request federal records under FOIA and resell them at a profit, which distorts the transparency system even further. Counterintuitively, limiting commercial requesting will not solve this problem. Instead, this Article proposes a targeted and aggressive policy of requiring government agencies to affirmatively disclose sets of records that are the subject of routine FOIA requests—a surprisingly large number of the documents sought by commercial requesters. By meeting information needs in a more efficient manner that is available equally to all, affirmative disclosure will enable federal agencies to reclaim public records from the private market and free up resources to better serve FOIA requests that advance its democratic purpose.

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In a 2000 report entitled "Trust in government. Ethics measures in OECD countries," OECD Secretary-General Donald J. Johnston emphasized the fact that public ethics are considered as a keystone of good governance. Moreover, public ethics are a prerequisite to public trust, which is in turn vital not only to any public service, but also to any society in general. At the same time, transparency reforms have flourished over the last few years and have several times been designed as a response to public distrust. Therefore, ethics, transparency and trust are closely linked together in a supposed virtuous circle where transparency works as a factor of better public ethics and leads to more trust in government on the citizens' side. This article explores the links between transparency and levels of trust in 10 countries between 2007 and 2014, using open data indexes and access to information requests as proxies for transparency. A national ranking of transparency, based on requests submitted by citizens to the administration and open data indexes, is then proposed. Key findings show that there is no sharp decline of trust in government in all countries considered in this article, and that transparency and trust in government are not systematically positively associated. Therefore, this article challenges the common assumption, mostly found in the normative literature, about a positive interrelation between the two, where trust in government is conceived as a beneficial effect of administrative transparency.

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The State Reform processes combined with the emergence and use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) originated electronic government policies and initiatives in Brazil. This paper dwells on Brazilian e-government by investigating the institutional design it assumed in the state's public sphere, and how it contributed to outcomes related to e-gov possibilities. The analyses were carried out under an interpretativist perspective by making use of Institutional Theory. From the analyses of interviews with relevant actors in the public sphere, such as state secretaries and presidents of public ICT companies, conclusions point towards low institutionalization of e-gov policies. The institutional design of Brazilian e-gov limits the use of ICT to provide integrated public services, to amplify participation and transparency, and to improve public policies management.

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This article addresses the issue of accountability and transparency in relation to the use of commercial-in-confidence clauses to withhold information. The issue is contentious. On the one hand some like the Senate Finance and Public Administration Reference Committee (SFPARC) argue that: 'Put simply there can be no accountability if there is no information' (SFPARC 2000). On the other hand, an alternative view is: 'I think that the sanctity of contract... [is] a fundamental pillar of our legal system, and if private businesses enter into contracts with governments that specify confidentiality, then that ought to be respected' (Paterson 1999). This paper is an abridged version of a keynote address to CPA Australia (Queensland Division) Audit Intensive Day 2000, Brisbane Hilton, 10 November 2000.

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The State Reform processes combined with the emergence and use of Information and Communication Technology (ICT) originated electronic government policies and initiatives in Brazil. This paper dwells on Brazilian e-government by investigating the institutional design it assumed in the state's public sphere, and how it contributed to outcomes related to e-gov possibilities. The analyses were carried out under an interpretativist perspective by making use of Institutional Theory. From the analyses of interviews with relevant actors in the public sphere, such as state secretaries and presidents of public ICT companies, conclusions point towards low institutionalization of e-gov policies. The institutional design of Brazilian e-gov limits the use of ICT to provide integrated public services, to amplify participation and transparency, and to improve public policies management.

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Dissertação de mestrado integrado em Engenharia e Gestão de Sistemas de Informação

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Access to information legislations are now present in over 50 countries world-wide. Lagging behind some of its own Cantons, the Swiss Federal government was until recently one of the few hold outs in Europe. But, in December 2004, the Confederation voted the 'Loi sur la Transparence de l'administration' or Law on Transparency (LTrans) a Law that came into effect in July 2006. This paper presents an overview of the new Law and underlines the main institutional challenges to its introduction in Switzerland.

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To improving efficiency and transparency of government services, government authorities may increase the frequency of interaction between citizens and government as well as improving the quality of the government services and trust. Electronic Government (E-Government) in definition is the delivery of government services to citizens, businesses, and government organizations through the use of internet, web based applications, and Information and Communication Technologies (ICTs) is the solution to build more reliable and efficient contact with citizens. Like the developing and developed countries, Iran also has been processing the various aspects of ICT, IT, and e-Government. Though, in order to implement and improve e-Government; Iran has faced with some obstacles. Therefore, the purpose of this thesis is to study progress of e- Government and identify obstacles of implementing and improving e Government in Iran. In this thesis, based on the literature review, the progress of e-Government in Iran was studied and various obstacles were identified. Therefore, as a result, e- Government of Iran is said to be in the transactional stage of the United Nations’ e-Government maturity stages. In addition, establishing more reliable, efficient, and accurate e-Government initiatives, plans, guidelines, and strategies will extremely enhance e-Government status of Iran. On the other hand, the needs of the citizens should always be under consideration when implementing and improving e-Government services; because citizens are considered to be at the core of every e-Government services and the responsibilities of the authorities.