Webometric network analysis : mapping cooperation and geopolitical connections between local government administration on the web

Webben är en enorm källa för information. Innehållet på webbsidorna är en synlig typ av information, men webben innehåller även information av en annan typ, en mera gömd typ i form av sambanden och nätverken som hyperlänkarna skapar mellan webbsajterna och –sidorna som de kopplar ihop. Forskningsområdet webometri ämnar, bland annat, att skapa ny kunskap ur denna gömda information som finns inbyggt i hyperlänkarna samt att skapa förståelse för hurudana fenomen och förhållanden utanför webben kan finnas representerade i hyperlänkarna. Målet med denna forskning var att öka förståelse för användningen av hyperlänkar på webben och speciellt kommunernas användning av hyperlänkar. Denna forskning undersökte hur kommunerna i Egentliga Finland skapade och mottog hyperlänkar samt hurudana nätverk formades av dessa hyperlänkar. Forskningen kartlade nätverk av direkta länkar mellan kommunerna och av samlänkar till och från kommunerna och undersökte ifall dessa nätverk kunde användas för att undersöka geopolitiska förhållanden och samarbete mellan kommunerna i Egentliga Finland. De övergripande forskningsfrågorna som har besvarats i denna forskning är: 1) Från ett webometriskt perspektiv, hur använder kommunerna i Egentliga Finland webben? 2) Kan hyperlänkar (direkta länkar och samlänkar) användas för att kartlägga geopolitiska förhållanden och samarbete mellan kommuner? 3) Vilka är de viktigaste motiveringarna för att skapa länkar mellan, till och från kommunernas webbsajter? Denna forskning kom till ovanligt tydliga resultat för en webometrisk forskning, både när det gäller upptäckta geografiska faktorer som påverkar hyperlänkningarna och de klassificerade motivationerna för att skapa länkarna. Resultaten visade att de direkta hyperlänkarna mellan kommunerna kan användas för att kartlägga geopolitiska förhållanden och samarbete mellan kommunerna för att de direkta länkarna var motiverade av officiella orsaker och de var klart påverkade av distansen mellan kommunerna och av de ekonomiska regionerna. Samlänkningarna in till kommunerna visade sig fungera som ett mått för geografisk likhet mellan kommunerna, medan samlänkningarna ut från kommunerna visade potential för att kunna användas till för att kartlägga kommunernas gemensamma intressen. Forskningen kontribuerade även till utvecklandet av forskningsområdet webometri. En del av de viktigaste kontributionerna av denna forskning var utvecklandet av nya metoder för webometrisk forskning samt att öka kunskap om hur existerande metoder från nätverksanalys kan användas effektivt för webometrisk forskning. Resultaten från denna forskning och de utvecklade metoderna kan användas för snabba kartläggningar av diverse förhållanden mellan olika organisationer och företag genom att använda information gratis tillgängligt på webben.

The new geopolitics : the world system and Northern Europe seen from a modern geopolitical perspective

Finnish Defence Studies is published under the auspices of the National Defence College, and the contributions reflect the fields of research and teaching of the College. Finnish Defence Studies will occasionally feature documentation on Finnish Security Policy. Views expressed are those of the authors and do not necessarily imply endorsement by the National Defence College.

Between Dugin’s Eurasianism and Mahan’s Sea Power Concept: Russia’s Geopolitical Discourse within Foucault’s ‘Discursive Tree’ before and After the Incorporation of the Crimea

The fall of 2013 could be characterized as a crossroad in the geopolitics of Eastern Europe, namely Ukraine. Two rivalry geopolitical projects have been developing throughout the post-Cold War years, and it seems that they reached a collision point in Ukraine; a country whose authorities have been for long switching sides between the European Union and the Russian Federation in their foreign policy commitments. The refusal/postponing to sign the Association Agreement with Brussels, an expected event by a large category of the Ukrainian society, by Yanukovich’s government led to the outset of the latter; and brought a pro-Western, anti-Russian government in Kyiv. It seems that Ukraine, after those events, has embarked definitively on the path of integration into the West (European Union and possibly NATO). The Russian Federation, who has been throughout Putin’s years engaged into the re-integration of post-Soviet space, reacted to these developments in an assertive manner by violating borders, agreements and the territorial integrity of Ukraine. Thus, the incorporation of the Crimea into the Russian Federation is the first in its kind in the post-Soviet space, despite the existence of various other conflicts that broke out in the region after the Soviet Union broke up. I will investigate in this thesis the nature of what will be labelled, in this work, the Crimean issue. I argue that the incorporation of the Crimean peninsula into the Russian Federation marks a new era in Russian geopolitical thinking that shapes, to a far extent, Russian foreign policy. Discourse analysis will be the methodological basis for this study, with a special focus on Michel Foucault’s Archaeology of Knowledge. The innovation that this research brings is the fact that it discusses Russian geopolitical discourse within the scope of Foucault’s ‘discursive tree’, with a reference to the Crimean issue. A wide range of primary sources will be consulted in this study such as presidential addresses to the Federal Assembly (2000-2014), Foreign Policy Concepts of the Russian Federation (2000, 2008), Russian maritime doctrines, as wells as Dugin’s Osnovy Geopolitiki (Foundations of Geopolitics), Mahan’s (The Influence of Sea Power Upon History, 1660–1783) and other Eurasianism related literature.

The North American Free Trade Agreement: hemispheric and geopolitical implications

Includes bibliography

Geopolitical shifts in the Eastern Mediterranean. Security Policy Brief No. 43, February 2013

Three major geopolitical events are putting the stability of the Eastern Mediterranean at risk. Most of the region is in a deep monetary and economic crisis. The Arab Spring is causing turmoil in the Levant and the Maghreb. Gas and oil discoveries, if not well managed, could further destabilise the region. At the same time, Russia and Turkey are staging a comeback. In the face of these challenges, the EU approaches the Greek sovereign debt crisis nearly exclusively from a financial and economic viewpoint. This brief argues that the EU has to develop a comprehensive strategy for the region, complementing its existing multilateral regional framework with bilateral agreements in order to secure its interests in the Eastern Mediterranean.

Ensuring Energy Security in Europe: The EU between a Market-based and a Geopolitical Approach. EU Diplomacy Paper 03/2013

The question of energy security of the European Union (EU) has come high on the European political agenda since the mid-2000s as developments in the international energy sector have increasingly been perceived as a threat by the EU institutions and by the Member State governments. The externalisation of the EU’s internal energy market has in that context been presented as a means to ensure energy security. This approach, which can be called ‘post-modern’ with reference to Robert Cooper’s division of the world into different ‘ages’,1 however, shows insufficiencies in terms of energy security as a number of EU energy partners belonging to the ‘modern’ world do not accept to play the same rules. This consequently poses the questions of the relevance of the market-based approach and of the need for alternative solutions. This paper therefore argues that the market-based approach, based on the liberalisation of the European energy market, needs to be complemented by a geopolitical approach to ensure the security of the EU’s energy supplies. Such a geopolitical approach, however, still faces important challenges.

Considering DPRK [North Korea] Regime Collapse: Its Probability and Possible Geopolitical and Security Consequences. Security Policy Brief No. 66, August 2015

Both the EU and its member states are in a period of rethinking security strategy to adapt to contemporary challenges both in the European region and beyond, including Northeast Asia. In this Security Policy Brief, Mason Richey discusses what difficulties and risks a North Korean regime collapse would pose, the likelihood that it will occur sooner rather than later, and how Europe will be affected by such a scenario.

France and the construction of Europe, 1944-2007:the geopolitical imperative

In the second half of the twentieth century France played the greatest role - even greater than Germany’s - in shaping what eventually became the European Union. By the early twenty-first century, however, in a hugely transformed Europe, this era had patently come to an end. This comprehensive history shows how France coupled the pursuit of power and the furtherance of European integration over a sixty-year period, from the close of the Second World War to the hesitation caused by the French electorate’s referendum rejection of the European Union’s constitutional treaty in 2005.

The cultural and geopolitical dimensions of nation-building in the Ukraine

Ukraine belongs among those young countries where the beginnings of democratisation and nation-building approximately coincided. While the development of nation states in Central Europe was usually preceded by the development of nations, the biggest dilemma in the Ukraine is whether a nation-state programme — parallel to the aim of state-building — is able to bring unfinished nation-building to completion. Ukraine sways between the EU and Russia with enormous amplitude. The alternating orientation between the West and the East can be ascribed to superpower ambitions reaching beyond Ukraine. Eventually, internal and external determinants are intertwined and mutually interact with one another. The aim of the paper is to explain the dilemmas arising from identity problems behind the Ukraine’s internal and external orientation.

The Re-Emergence of Suriname’s Désiré (Desi) Bouterse: Political Acumen and Geopolitical Anxiety

This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

Polio eradication efforts in regions of geopolitical strife: the Boko Haram threat to efforts in sub-Saharan Africa.

The World Health Organization aims to eradicate wild poliovirus worldwide by the end of 2018. Cameroon and Nigeria, neighboring countries, have been affected by the terrorist and militant activities of the Islamist sect Boko Haram. Impacted regions are mainly the far North of Cameroon and Northern Nigeria. Targets of Boko Haram aggression in these zones include violence against polio workers, disruption of polio immunization campaigns, with consequent reduced access to health care and immunization. In addition to this significant problem, Northern Nigeria has historically seen rejection of polio virus vaccine initiatives. It remains to know how health systems can continue operations against polio in areas where Boko Haram operates. If appropriate measures are not urgently taken, it will be not possible to meet the 2018 goal of polio virus eradication. The response should include specialized immunization activities in conflict zones, will engagement of leaders. Countries should also explore immunization activities by soldiers and military personnel.

Sociedade da informação: avanços e retrocessos no acesso e no uso da informação

The Information Society (IS) may be taken as a geopolitical organization which started after the Third Industrial Revolution, having direct impact on the use of information and Information and Communication Technologies (ICT). The expression arose as techno-social paradigm change in the post-industrial society, aiming to use information as currency to the society-in-progress at that time. In Brazil it has become stronger with the Programa Sociedade da Informacao no Brasil-Livro Verde, lunched by the Ministerio da Ciencia e Tecnologia, in September 2000 without any discussion with the civil society to formulate the main document. Our main goal in this article is to discuss the Information Society in contemporary times, and also the organized and conscious use of information, looking for key-concepts to a better understanding of it, from some topics as digital inclusion-exclusion to the use of digital informational resources.

Inequalities in mortality of men by oral and pharyngeal cancer in Barcelona, Spain and Sao Paulo, Brazil, 1995-2003

Background: Large inequalities of mortality by most cancers in general, by mouth and pharynx cancer in particular, have been associated to behaviour and geopolitical factors. The assessment of socioeconomic covariates of cancer mortality may be relevant to a full comprehension of distal determinants of the disease, and to appraise opportune interventions. The objective of this study was to compare socioeconomic inequalities in male mortality by oral and pharyngeal cancer in two major cities of Europe and South America. Methods: The official system of information on mortality provided data on deaths in each city; general censuses informed population data. Age-adjusted death rates by oral and pharyngeal cancer for men were independently assessed for neighbourhoods of Barcelona, Spain, and Sao Paulo, Brazil, from 1995 to 2003. Uniform methodological criteria instructed the comparative assessment of magnitude, trends and spatial distribution of mortality. General linear models assessed ecologic correlations between death rates and socioeconomic indices (unemployment, schooling levels and the human development index) at the inner-city area level. Results obtained for each city were subsequently compared. Results: Mortality of men by oral and pharyngeal cancer ranked higher in Barcelona (9.45 yearly deaths per 100,000 male inhabitants) than in Spain and Europe as a whole; rates were on decrease. Sao Paulo presented a poorer profile, with higher magnitude (11.86) and stationary trend. The appraisal of ecologic correlations indicated an unequal and inequitably distributed burden of disease in both cities, with poorer areas tending to present higher mortality. Barcelona had a larger gradient of mortality than Sao Paulo, indicating a higher inequality of cancer deaths across its neighbourhoods. Conclusion: The quantitative monitoring of inequalities in health may contribute to the formulation of redistributive policies aimed at the concurrent promotion of wellbeing and social justice. The assessment of groups experiencing a higher burden of disease can instruct health services to provide additional resources for expanding preventive actions and facilities aimed at early diagnosis, standardized treatments and rehabilitation.