9 resultados para Fraudsters


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The amount of financial loss from online fraud suffered by people in Western Australia has almost halved, dropping from A$16.8 million in 2014 to A$9.8 million for 2015, according to a statement this January from the state’s Attorney General and Minister for Commerce, Michael Mischin. In addition, the minister noted that losses from relationship and dating fraud have fallen by 55%, to A$4.9 million lost last year. These are both impressive claims, and at face value, there is truth to the statistics. Both assertions are based on data received by WA’s Scamnet, which is the public interface between consumer protection and citizens. While it is good to see a reduction in the number of losses overall, particularly to relationship and dating fraud, it is highly unlikely that the statistics tell the full story.

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This article reviews what international evidence exists on the impact of civil and criminal sanctions upon serious tax noncompliance by individuals. This construct lacks sharp definitional boundaries but includes large tax fraud and large-scale evasion that are not dealt with as fraud. Although substantial research and theory have been developed on general tax evasion and compliance, their conclusions might not apply to large-scale intentional fraudsters. No scientifically defensible studies directly compared civil and criminal sanctions for tax fraud, although one U.S. study reported that significantly enhanced criminal sanctions have more effects than enhanced audit levels. Prosecution is public, whereas administrative penalties are confidential, and this fact encourages those caught to pay heavy penalties to avoid publicity, a criminal record, and imprisonment.

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In May 2011, the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies published Lessons for the Coalition: an end of term report on New Labour and Criminal Justice (Silvestri, 2011). In that collection I described Labour's performance on environmental issues as ‘too little too late’. The UK experienced a period of Blair/Brown environmental governance that demonstrated ‘symbolic success but real failure’. Amongst New Labour's environmental achievements were the establishment of the Climate Change Act 2008, the creation of the Department of Energy and Climate Change and the establishment of numerous green quangos to oversee and implement a range of environmental policies. However, these steps forward were seemingly threatened by the early days of a Cameron-led coalition where austerity measure, trade and the abolition of green quangos were on the cards. In sum, I concluded ‘future UK government report cards on the environment do not look good’ (Walters, 2011). After two and half years of a Conservative/Liberal Democratic coalition, and much rhetoric about it being ‘the greenest government ever’, the interim report card for the Cameron government on environmental matters is grim reading indeed. The demise of green quangos, record carbon emissions, renewable energies policies stultified, environmental criminality and victimisation all but ignored, and billions of pounds lost to environmental corporate fraudsters are just some of the headlines of Tory inspired governance with much environmental rhetoric and no environmental results.

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‘Carbon trading fraudsters may have accounted for up to 90% of all market activity in some European countries, with criminals pocketing billions, mainly in Britain, France, Spain, Denmark and Holland, according to Europol and the European law enforcement agency.’ (Mason, 2009). ‘Carbon offset projects often result in land grabs, local environmental and social conflicts, as well as the repression of local communities and movements. The CDM approval process for projects allows little space for the voices of Indigenous Peoples and local communities – in fact, no project has ever been rejected on the grounds of rights violations, despite these being widespread’. (Carbon Trade Watch, 2013)

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[ES]Con el desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías, se han facilitado las relaciones, acortado el tiempo de espera y agilizado los trámites con la Administración Pública. Estos adelantos, sin embargo, han propiciado que sea necesario proporcionar información de carácter personal de los ciudadanos, que en la mayoría de los casos es sensible. Es por esto que en los últimos años se han ido modificando e introduciendo nuevas leyes que permiten proteger estos datos de carácter personal. Cuando un contribuyente realiza sus obligaciones tributarias suministra datos de carácter personal a Hacienda, datos que están protegidos por la Ley Orgánica de Protección de Datos. El Sistema Tributario deber ser eficaz y transparente. Sin embargo, cabe preguntarse dónde se sitúa el límite a esa transparencia. Con el fin de que la transparencia sea máxima y de que la ciudadanía se conciencie de la importancia de cumplir con sus obligaciones tributarias el legislador se ha planteado la posibilidad de publicar una lista de deudores y las sentencias firmes condenatorias de grandes defraudadores. Esta publicación de las listas aparentemente vulneraría los derechos de los ciudadanos en lo referente a la protección de datos con opiniones encontradas. Tras informes de diferentes organismos se ha llegado al Proyecto de Ley de Modificación parcial de la Ley 58/2003, General Tributaria (Boletín Oficial de las Cortes Generales del 30 de abril de 2015), que permitiría publicar las listas con ciertos límites: publicación únicamente del nombre de la persona física o jurídica y DNI o NIF. Además, para permitir la publicación de las sentencias firmes de los defraudadores, recientemente se ha aprobado el Proyecto de reforma de la Ley Orgánica del Poder Judicial.

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L’élaboration de programme d’interventions propres aux fraudeurs soulève la question de la particularité de leur personnalité. Des écrits suggèrent que la personnalité des fraudeurs présenterait des similitudes avec les traits psychopathiques. L’objectif de l’étude est donc de décrire et d’explorer ces traits chez des fraudeurs spécialisés incarcérés, et ce, à l’aide des questionnaires Psychopathic Personality Inventory (PPI) et Psychological Inventory of Criminal Thinking Styles (PICTS). Trois groupes de détenus (35 hommes, 17 femmes) ont rempli les questionnaires: fraudeurs spécialisés (n=23), autres délinquants sans crimes violents (ASV, n=19) et autres délinquants avec crimes violents (AAV, n=10). Un groupe d’étudiants (n=430) a aussi complété le PPI, permettant ainsi d’ajouter un groupe de comparaison. Les analyses ont permis de constater que le groupe de fraudeurs diffère peu des autres groupes quant à leurs traits psychopathiques. Cependant, ils sont moins enclins que le groupe d’AAV à adopter des pensées criminelles, fréquentes chez les psychopathes.

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Les réseaux sociaux accueillent chaque jour des millions d’utilisateurs. Les usagers de ces réseaux, qu’ils soient des particuliers ou des entreprises, sont directement affectés par leur fulgurante expansion. Certains ont même développé une certaine dépendance à l’usage des réseaux sociaux allant même jusqu’à transformer leurs habitudes de vie de tous les jours. Cependant, cet engouement pour les réseaux sociaux n’est pas sans danger. Il va de soi que leur expansion favorise et sert également l’expansion des attaques en ligne. Les réseaux sociaux constituent une opportunité idéale pour les délinquants et les fraudeurs de porter préjudice aux usagers. Ils ont accès à des millions de victimes potentielles. Les menaces qui proviennent des amis et auxquelles font face les utilisateurs de réseaux sociaux sont nombreuses. On peut citer, à titre d’exemple, la cyberintimidation, les fraudes, le harcèlement criminel, la menace, l’incitation au suicide, la diffusion de contenu compromettant, la promotion de la haine, l’atteinte morale et physique, etc. Il y a aussi un « ami très proche » qui peut être très menaçant sur les réseaux sociaux : soi-même. Lorsqu’un utilisateur divulgue trop d’informations sur lui-même, il contribue sans le vouloir à attirer vers lui les arnaqueurs qui sont à la recherche continue d’une proie. On présente dans cette thèse une nouvelle approche pour protéger les utilisateurs de Facebook. On a créé une plateforme basée sur deux systèmes : Protect_U et Protect_UFF. Le premier système permet de protéger les utilisateurs d’eux-mêmes en analysant le contenu de leurs profils et en leur proposant un ensemble de recommandations dans le but de leur faire réduire la publication d’informations privées. Le second système vise à protéger les utilisateurs de leurs « amis » dont les profils présentent des symptômes alarmants (psychopathes, fraudeurs, criminels, etc.) en tenant compte essentiellement de trois paramètres principaux : le narcissisme, le manque d’émotions et le comportement agressif.

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I consider the case for genuinely anonymous web searching. Big data seems to have it in for privacy. The story is well known, particularly since the dawn of the web. Vastly more personal information, monumental and quotidian, is gathered than in the pre-digital days. Once gathered it can be aggregated and analyzed to produce rich portraits, which in turn permit unnerving prediction of our future behavior. The new information can then be shared widely, limiting prospects and threatening autonomy. How should we respond? Following Nissenbaum (2011) and Brunton and Nissenbaum (2011 and 2013), I will argue that the proposed solutions—consent, anonymity as conventionally practiced, corporate best practices, and law—fail to protect us against routine surveillance of our online behavior. Brunton and Nissenbaum rightly maintain that, given the power imbalance between data holders and data subjects, obfuscation of one’s online activities is justified. Obfuscation works by generating “misleading, false, or ambiguous data with the intention of confusing an adversary or simply adding to the time or cost of separating good data from bad,” thus decreasing the value of the data collected (Brunton and Nissenbaum, 2011). The phenomenon is as old as the hills. Natural selection evidently blundered upon the tactic long ago. Take a savory butterfly whose markings mimic those of a toxic cousin. From the point of view of a would-be predator the data conveyed by the pattern is ambiguous. Is the bug lunch or potential last meal? In the light of the steep costs of a mistake, the savvy predator goes hungry. Online obfuscation works similarly, attempting for instance to disguise the surfer’s identity (Tor) or the nature of her queries (Howe and Nissenbaum 2009). Yet online obfuscation comes with significant social costs. First, it implies free riding. If I’ve installed an effective obfuscating program, I’m enjoying the benefits of an apparently free internet without paying the costs of surveillance, which are shifted entirely onto non-obfuscators. Second, it permits sketchy actors, from child pornographers to fraudsters, to operate with near impunity. Third, online merchants could plausibly claim that, when we shop online, surveillance is the price we pay for convenience. If we don’t like it, we should take our business to the local brick-and-mortar and pay with cash. Brunton and Nissenbaum have not fully addressed the last two costs. Nevertheless, I think the strict defender of online anonymity can meet these objections. Regarding the third, the future doesn’t bode well for offline shopping. Consider music and books. Intrepid shoppers can still find most of what they want in a book or record store. Soon, though, this will probably not be the case. And then there are those who, for perfectly good reasons, are sensitive about doing some of their shopping in person, perhaps because of their weight or sexual tastes. I argue that consumers should not have to pay the price of surveillance every time they want to buy that catchy new hit, that New York Times bestseller, or a sex toy.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)