883 resultados para Formal employment


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Includes bibliography

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This work aims to study the problem of the formal job in the Brazilian Northeast region and its effect in the social inclusion, taking for base the analysis of variables defined in the Atlas of Social Exclusion, which is based on the 2000 Brazilian Census, choosing the county as unit of analysis. As methodological options, an exploratory data analysis was performed, followed by multivariate statistical techniques, such as weighted multiple regression analysis, cluster analysis and exploratory analysis of spatial data. The results pointed out to low rates of formal job for the active age population as well as low indexes of social inclusion in the Northeast region of Brazil. A strong association of the formal job with the indicators of social inclusion under investigation, was evidenced (schooling, inequality, poverty, youth and income form government transfers), as well as a strong association of the formal job with the new index of social inclusion (IIS), modified from the IES. At the Federative Units, in which better levels of formal job had been found, good indexes of social inclusion are also observed. Highlights for the state of the Rio Grande do Norte, with the best conditions of life, and for the states of the Maranhão and Piauí, with the worst conditions. The situation of the Northeast region, facing the indicators under study, is very precarious, claiming for the necessity of emphasizing programs and governmental actions, specially directed to the raise of formal job levels of the region, reflecting, thus, in improvements on the income inequality, as well as in the social inclusion of the population of Northeastern natives.

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The work consists in a discussion of the evolution of formal employment in the industrial cities of Ceará state averages from 1990 to 2010, since this period was marked by important changes. It is emphasized that in order to achieve this aim, the present study was based on a survey of relevant literature on the subject, as well as the use of the Annual Report of Social Information (RAIS), published by the Ministry of Labour and Employment (MTE) and the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics (IBGE). The central question to be considered in this study is how we evolved formal employment industry in medium-sized cities (Juazeiro do Norte, Crato and Sobral) of Ceará? The assumption that guides this work is that given the economic policies of the 1990 and 2000 these policies encouraged the relocation, thus implying significant growth in the formal manufacturing employment in these cities. Regarding the results obtained in the survey, it was found that the industrial sector of these cities, showed considerable dynamism in what refers to the expansion of establishments. When observed in percentage terms medium-sized cities (345.5%) had the highest growth in number of establishments in the 1990s with rates higher than the Northeast region (285.9%) and Brazil (167.5%). The highlight was the city of Juazeiro, with the highest concentration of micro and small footwear companies in the state. Regarding the number of formal jobs created in medium-sized cities, it went from 6.596 in 1990 to 41.660 million formal jobs in 2010, with a growth rate of 532%. The sector contributed most to employment generation was the footwear. Although the levels of minimum wages, the 1990 recorded the lowest levels. In the 2000, there were real gains in levels of minimum wages in all cities, however, it may be noted that over the decades there has been significant momentum. However, this momentum was not enough to prevent the end of the study period CMs-Ceará present low wages

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The Northeast has a record of fighting to reduce disparities. In late 1950, the state intervened through SUDENE, organizing and planning the promotion of development through industrialization. This study aims to identify the characteristics of the industrialization of the Northeast and evolution of formal employment in the metropolitan area of Cariri, located in the southern state of Ceará, in the case of the municipalities of Crato, Juazeiro do Norte and Barbalha (CRAJUBAR) in decades of 1990 and 2000. The assumption permeates the SUDENE with public policies to encourage the industry, causing profound changes in the cities studied. The results indicate that the Cariri since the 1960 has been benefiting the programs implemented by SUDENE. With the implementation of these programs, with in a set of circumstances based on local vocations and state policies, there was a spatial distribution industry, triggering a growth and development on the provision of formal jobs in the industrial sector

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Industrial development experienced by Brazil from the 1950s, changed the concentration of population in the country. The process of development of domestic industry, concentrated in urban areas, crowded growing portion of the population.The Southeast region during the first stage of industrialization driven by the state, with the implementation of Plan goals, captained the major industrial projects implemented in the period and became the main industrial center of the country.In the decade from 1960 to 1980 the state action was marked by numerous regional development projects, softening the industrial concentration and Brazilian investment redirected to the Northeast.The second National Development Plan implemented in the 1970s led to major investments Northeast.This period marked the widespread urban growth and institutionalization of the first metropolitan areas in Brazil.The change of this developmental process is altered with the fiscal and financial crisis of the state in the 1980s and 1990s and spending cuts aimed at national development, reorienting the economy to liberal policies of economic liberalization and reduction of activity in the economy.Industrial policy was relegated to local development plans from the 1990s to the federating units fitting the wide use of tax incentives, the "war tax" to the continued industrialization process.In this context of the national economy work seeks to analyze the industrial setting in the metropolitan areas of Fortaleza, Recife and Salvador between 1995 and 2010.Although the metropolitan areas of Fortaleza, Recife and Salvador are the main urban centers of the Northeast, responsible for the advancement of industrial development, reconfigurations occurred between 1995 and 2010 by changing the level of industrial specialization built by regional division of labor in these regions.The work will be carried out by the method of descriptive analysis of the literature review on regional and urban development.Constitute quantitative method as the secondary data analysis of formal employment from the Annual Social Information (RAIS) Ministry of Labour and Employment (MTE).Using data RAIS / MTE analyzes the industrial specialization index using the Locational Quotient (LQ).Thus, it is assumed as a parameter analysis QL> 1, when the region has become specialized in a particular sector or QL <1, when the region does not have expertise in industrial sector analyzed.The conclusion of study indicates that there was in these metropolitan areas maintained the same bias hub.Fiscal policies, the states, was not successful in diversifying the productive structure and the Northeast region itself.This result is demonstrated by the need and dependence on state investments in the region to promote development.Industrial policies of recent years have been positive to meet the objectives of employment generation, but there must be specific policies for better diversification of production, in addition to integrating the economy of the Northeast sector and regionally

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This paper aims to analyze the geographical dynamics of work from the spread of formal employment in the agricultural sector in Northeast Brazil. In recent years the region has had highlighted a growing movement to produce fruit for export, resulting in the promotion of important sociospatial transformations arising from the formation of a capitalist labor market. Data about the increase in the number of formal jobs show the impact of fruit growing agribusiness in the establishment of a new social and territorial division of labor. However, our study draws attention to the existence of a framework dominated for the vulnerability of the labor market by the persistence of seasonality and precarious working conditions.

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At 6.4%, the unemployment rate for the Latin American and Caribbean region overall was the lowest for the past few decades, down from 6.7% in 2011. This is significant, in view of the difficult employment situation prevailing in other world regions. Labour market indicators improved despite modest growth of just 3.0% in the region’s economy. Even with sharply rising labour market participation, the number of urban unemployed fell by around 400,000, on the back of relatively strong job creation. Nevertheless, around 15 million are still jobless in the region. Other highlights of 2012 labour market performance were that the gender gaps in labour market participation, unemployment and employment narrowed, albeit slightly; formal employment increased; the hourly underemployment rate declined; and average wages rose. This rendering was obviously not homogenous across the region. Labour market indicators worsened again in the Caribbean countries, for example, reflecting the sluggish performance of their economies. The sustainability of recent labour market progress is also a cause for concern. Most of the new jobs in the region were created as part of a self-perpetuating cycle in which new jobs and higher real wages (and greater access to credit) have boosted household purchasing power and so pushed up domestic demand. Much of this demand is for non-tradable goods and services (and imports), which has stimulated expansion of the tertiary sector and hence its demand for labour, and many of the new jobs have therefore arisen in these sectors of the economy. This dynamic certainly has positive implications in terms of labour and distribution, but the concern is whether it is sustainable in a context of still relatively low investment (even after some recent gains) which is, moreover, not structured in a manner conducive to diversifying production. Doubt hangs over the future growth of production capacity in the region, given the enormous challenges facing the region in terms of innovation, education quality, infrastructure and productivity. As vigorous job creation has driven progress in reducing unemployment, attention has turned once again to the characteristics of that employment. Awareness exists in the region that economic growth is essential, but not in itself sufficient to generate more and better jobs. For some time, ILO has been drawing attention to the fact that it is not enough to create any sort of employment. The concept of decent work, as proposed by ILO, emphasized the need for quality jobs which enshrine respect for fundamental rights at work. The United Nations General Assembly endorsed this notion and incorporated it into the targets set in the framework of the Millennium Development Goals. This eighth issue of the ECLAC/ILO publication “The employment situation in Latin America and the Caribbean” examines how the concept of decent work has evolved in the region, progress in measuring it and the challenges involved in building a system of decent work indicators, 14 years after the concept was first proposed. Although the concept of decent work has been accompanied since the outset by the challenge of measurement, its first objective was to generate a discussion on the best achievable labour practices in each country. Accordingly, rather than defining a universal threshold of what could be considered decent work —regarding which developed countries might have almost reached the target before starting, while poor countries could be left hopelessly behind— ILO called upon the countries to define their own criteria and measurements for promoting decent work policies. As a result, there is no shared set of variables for measuring decent work applicable to all countries. The suggestion is, instead, that countries move forward with measuring decent work on the basis of their own priorities, using the information they have available now and in the future. However, this strategy of progressing according to the data available in each country tends to complicate statistical comparison between them. So, once the countries have developed their respective systems of decent work indicators, it will be also be important to work towards harmonizing them. ECLAC and ILO are available to provide technical support to this end. With respect to 2013, there is cautious optimism regarding the performance of the region’s labour markets. If projections of a slight uptick —to 3.5%— in the region’s economic growth in 2013 are borne out, labour indicators should continue to gradually improve. This will bring new increases in real wages and a slight drop of up to 0.2 percentage points in the region’s unemployment rate, reflecting a fresh rise in the regional employment rate and slower growth in labour market participation.

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The adverse effects on Latin America and the Caribbean of the global economic and financial crisis, the worst since the 1930s, have been considerably less than was once feared. Although a run of growth was cut short in 2009 and regional output shrank by 1.9%, the impact of the crisis was limited by the application of countercyclical fiscal and monetary policies by many of the region’s governments. The recovery in the economies, particularly in South America, has gone hand-in-hand with the rapid resurgence of the emerging economies of Asia, with all the favourable consequences this has had for global trade. A similar pattern may be observed regarding the impact of the crisis on labour markets in Latin America and the Caribbean. Although millions of people lost their jobs or had to trade down to lower-quality work, levels of employment (including formal employment) fell by less than originally foreseen. At the same time, real wages rose slightly in a context of falling inflation. The labour market thus stabilized domestic demand, and this contributed to the recovery that began in many countries in late 2009. Improved international trade and financing conditions, and the pick-up in domestic demand driven by macroeconomic policies, have led different commentators to estimate growth in the region’s economy at some 6% in 2010. As detailed in the first part of this edition of the Bulletin, the upturn has been manifested at the regional level by the creation of formal employment, a rise in the employment rate, a decline in joblessness and a moderate increase in real wages. Specifically, it is estimatedthat the regional unemployment rate will have dropped by 0.6 percentage points, from 8.1% in 2009 to 7.5% in 2010. The performance of different countries and subregions has been very uneven, however. On the one hand, there is Brazil, where high economic growth has been accompanied by vigorous creation of formal jobs and the unemployment rate has dropped to levels not seen in a long time. Other countries in South America have benefited from strong demand for natural resources from the Asian countries. Combined with higher domestic demand, this has raised their economic growth rates and had a positive impact on employment indicators. On the other hand, the recovery is still very weak in certain countries and subregions, particularly in the Caribbean, with employment indicators continuing to worsen.Thus, the recovery in the region’s economy in 2010 may be characterized as dynamic but uneven. Growth estimates for 2011 are less favourable. The risks associated with the imbalances in the world economy and the withdrawal of countercyclical fiscal packages are likely to cause the region to grow more slowly in 2011. Accordingly, a small further reduction of between 0.2 and 0.4 percentage points in the unemployment rate is projected for 2011. However, these indicators of recovery do not guarantee growth with decent work in the long term. To bolster the improvement in labour market indicators and generate more productive employment and decent work, the region’s countries need to strengthen their macroeconomic policies, improve regional and global policy coordination, identify and remove bottlenecks in the labour market itself and enhance instruments designed to promote greater equality. Like the rest of the world, the Latin American and Caribbean region is also confronted with the challenge of transforming the way it produces so that its economies can develop along tracks that are sustainable in the long term. Climate change and the consequent challenge of developing and strengthening low-carbon production and consumption patterns will also affect the way people work. A great challenge ahead is to create green jobs that combine decent work with environmentally sustainable production patterns. From this perspective, the second part of this Bulletin discusses the green jobs approach, offering some information on the challenges and opportunities involved in moving towards a sustainable economy in the region and presenting a set of options for addressing environmental issues and the repercussions of climate change in the world of work. Although the debate about the green jobs concept is fairly new in the region, examples already exist and a number of countries have moved ahead with the application of policies and programmes in this area. Costa Rica has formulated a National Climate Change Strategy, for example, whose foremost achievements include professional training in natural-resource management. In Brazil, fuel production from biomass has increased and social housing with solar panelling is being built. A number of other countries in the region are making progress in areas such as ecotourism, sustainable agriculture and infrastructure for climate change adaptation, and in formalizing the work of people who recycle household waste. The shift towards a more environmentally sustainable economy may cause jobs to be destroyed in some economic sectors and created in others. The working world will inevitably undergo major changes. If the issue is approached by way of social dialogue and appropriate public policies, there is a chance to use this shift to create more decent jobs, thereby contributing to growth in the economy, the construction of higher levels of equality and protection for the environment.

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Este estudo busca contribuir à discussão teórica sobre o comportamento do mercado de trabalho e da informalidade na Região Metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro - RMRJ, sobretudo a partir dos anos 1990. As informações utilizadas na análise são provenientes principalmente da Relação Anual de Informações Sociais (RAIS) e do Cadastro Geral do Emprego e Desemprego (CAGED) - Ministério do Trabalho e Emprego (MTE) - da Pesquisa de Amostragem a Domicílio (PNAD), da Pesquisa Mensal de Emprego (PME) e da Economia Informal Urbana (ECINF) - do Instituto de Brasileiro de Geografia e Estatística (IBGE) - com um recorte nos setores tradicionais da economia. Umas das hipóteses centrais é a da existência de uma relação de causalidade entre as políticas econômicas implementadas a partir de 1990, tais como privatizações de empresas públicas, abertura comercial e financeira para o capital estrangeiro com a informalidade. Estas foram determinantes para oscilações nos níveis de emprego formal das indústrias, com o avanço substancial do setor informal, sobretudo na região metropolitana do Rio de Janeiro (RMRJ).A análise, feita por setores de atividade, permite comprovar que a informalidade apresenta-se cada vez mais claramente como uma característica da estrutura da economia da metrópole do Rio de Janeiro e não simplesmente como um fenômeno transitório relacionado à redução das atividades industriais.

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Ao longo do século XX, o Direito do Trabalho esteve associado a um arranjo político e social cujos sentidos estavam vinculados, entre outros aspectos, à civilização das relações de classe e à reprodução do capitalismo com democracia, no âmbito dos Estados nacionais. O propósito desta pesquisa é investigar como ocorreu o processo de deslocamento e reinterpretação desses sentidos (equivalente à codificação da razão do mais forte), no contexto da forte hegemonia política da coalizão de centro-direita que governou o país entre 1995 e 2002. Nesse período, o Poder Executivo Federal, as principais organizações patronais, setores importantes da mídia impressa e a Força Sindical estiveram empenhados na promoção de profunda alteração dos traços centrais do modelo brasileiro de relações de trabalho, no qual a lei é mais importante na definição dos direitos substantivos do trabalho do que os contratos coletivos. Para justificar politicamente essas alterações, o Poder Executivo e seus apoiadores apontaram a responsabilidade do modelo legislado pelos elevados custos do emprego formal, a perda de competitividade da indústria, o aumento da informalidade e do desemprego durante o governo FHC. Por meio da leitura das justificativas dos projetos encaminhados ao Congresso Nacional pelo Poder Executivo, das manifestações de suas principais lideranças e dos apoiadores na mídia e no meio sindical, a pesquisa busca interpretar o sentido político dessa leitura, apresentada como se fosse solução técnica e modernizante para uma legislação que estaria ultrapassada. Consideramos que a reforma trabalhista tinha claros propósitos políticos pois, além de repassar aos trabalhadores os custos do ajuste econômico nos anos 90, permitiu justificar na cena pública a retração do papel do Estado, bem como fortalecer o apoio de setores importantes do patronato a esse projeto político.

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Essa dissertação de mestrado apresenta um estudo com os trabalhadores demitidos de uma Empresa Pública, na década de 1990, por força da implementação de medidas neoliberais no Brasil. Apesar dos inúmeros impactos gerados a esses trabalhadores, após esta decisão do Estado, a proposta é analisar os impactos objetivos, sofridos pelos trabalhadores, originários da perda repentina de um contrato de trabalho formal e consequentemente, da perda de salários diretos, de salários indiretos, com a ausência de políticas sociais corporativas, e de direitos garantidos enquanto trabalhadores protegidos. As estratégias de sobrevivência adotadas por estes trabalhadores foram as mais variadas, porém, a grande maioria teve o trabalho por conta própria como a principal alternativa de reprodução social, saindo completamente do ramo de produção em que trabalhavam. Insatisfeitos com a demissão, esse grupo de trabalhadores lutou para retornar ao quadro de empregados da Corporação. Após cerca de uma década e meia, os trabalhadores conquistaram o direito de retornar e ser admitido pela Empresa V, uma das que compõem a Corporação, tendo em vista a extinção daquelas a que pertenciam. Com essa decisão, os trabalhadores e suas famílias estavam novamente assegurados pelas políticas corporativas e com novas possibilidades. No entanto, a adequação aos novos requisitos da Empresa V, fez com que alguns indivíduos não atendessem ao novo perfil de trabalhador exigido pela instituição e pelo mercado de trabalho, devido à idade e ao tipo de qualificação. Assim, ao mesmo tempo em que o retorno lhes trouxe novas possibilidades, com o acesso a um salário mensal e políticas empresariais de qualidade, por outro lado, também trouxe grandes desafios para alguns trabalhadores, devido a sua dificuldade de inserção nos processos de trabalho e nas normas da empresa. Conclui-se então, que o retorno à Corporação, após mais de uma década de luta, foi para esse grupo de trabalhadores, um processo contraditório, pois, ao mesmo tempo em que tiveram diversos direitos assegurados, alguns não conseguiram desenvolver suas atividades nos moldes do atual modo de produção.

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This chapter outlines the main features of green political economy and the principal ways in which it differs from dominant mainstream or orthodox neoclassical economics. Neoclassical economics is critiqued on the grounds of denying its normative and ideological commitments in its false presentation of itself as ‘objective’ and ‘value neutral’. It is also critiqued for its ecologically irrational commitment to the imperative of orthodox economic growth as a permanent feature of the economy, compromising its ability to offer realistic or normatively compelling guides to how we might make the transition to a sustainable economy. Green political economy is presented as an alternative or heterodox form of economic thinking but one which explicitly expresses its normative/ideological value bases (hence it represents a return to ‘political economy’, the origins of modern economics). Green political economy also challenges the commitment to undifferentiated economic growth as a permanent objective of the human economy. In its place, green political economy promotes ‘economic security’ as a better objective for a sustainable, post-growth economy. The latter includes the transition to a low-carbon energy economy, and is also one which maximises quality of life (as oppose to formal employment, income and wealth), and actively seeks to lower socio-economic inequality. Green political economy views orthodox economic growth as having passed the threshold in most ‘advanced’ capitalist societies beyond which it has undermined quality of life and at best manages rather than reduces socially and ecologically damaging inequalities.

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La reforma colombiana al sistema de salud (Ley 100 de 1993) estableció, como estrategia para facilitar el acceso, la universalidad de un seguro de salud que se adquiere mediante la cotización en el régimen contributivo o mediante la afiliación gratuita al régimen subsidiado, con la meta de cubrir a toda la población con un plan de beneficios único que comprende servicios de todos los niveles de atención. En el documento se analizan los principales hechos estilizados de la reforma en cuanto a cobertura del seguro y acceso y, mediante modelos logit, se estiman los determinantes de la afiliación y del acceso, con datos de las encuestas de calidad de vida de 1997 y 2003. Se destaca que la cobertura pasó del 20% de la población en 1993 al 60% en 2004, aunque parece imposible alcanzar la universalidad; la estructura y evolución de la cobertura muestran que los dos regímenes son complementarios, de modo que mientras el contributivo tiene mayor presencia en las ciudades y entre la población con empleo formal, el subsidiado tiene mayor peso entre la población rural y con bajos niveles de ingresos; por otra parte, el seguro tiene ventajas para la población subsidiada, con una mayor probabilidad de utilización de servicios, aunque el plan es inferior al del contributivo y existen barreras para el acceso.

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This study has the objective to verify the behavior of Brazilian workers residents in the state of Rio de Janeiro, throughout theirs labor life, concerning their ability to remain - and specialize - in the same professional area originally chosen in its superior educational graduation. As the proposed theme stands beyond the available bibliography, the author needed to analyze the Governmental Labor Ministry Statistical Databases, which provides Brazilian Formal Employment and Unemployment Information. The study started with the selection of three groups of professional occupations from the year of 1994 until the end of 2002. All the professionals who were employed in 1994 had had its trajectory traced up to 2002, as well as were analyzed the ingression behavior at the formal labor market in the year of 1994. Thus, the study encompasses not only the existing employment but also the new job posts created in 1994. For the trajectory tracing, a group of graduated students was selected in some universities of the state of Rio de Janeiro in the year of 1994. The study has clearly shown the impact that the availability of jobs in the same area of the graduation has over the workers decision to remain or change the original career. Such information and conclusions can be a valuable instrument to help students and professionals to plan and decide theirs futures careers, for the planning of public politics of educational investments, as well as for the Brazilian educational institutions to adjust the offering of its courses according to the labor market capacity.

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Excessive labor turnover may be considered, to a great extent, an undesirable feature of a given economy. This follows from considerations such as underinvestment in human capital by firms. Understanding the determinants and the evolution of turnover in a particular labor market is therefore of paramount importance, including policy considerations. The present paper proposes an econometric analysis of turnover in the Brazilian labor market, based on a partial observability bivariate probit model. This model considers the interdependence of decisions taken by workers and firms, helping to elucidate the causes that lead each of them to end an employment relationship. The Employment and Unemployment Survey (PED) conducted by the State System of Data Analysis (SEADE) and by the Inter-Union Department of Statistics and Socioeconomic Studies (DIEESE) provides data at the individual worker level, allowing for the estimation of the joint probabilities of decisions to quit or stay on the job on the worker’s side, and to maintain or fire the employee on the firm’s side, during a given time period. The estimated parameters relate these estimated probabilities to the characteristics of workers, job contracts, and to the potential macroeconomic determinants in different time periods. The results confirm the theoretical prediction that the probability of termination of an employment relationship tends to be smaller as the worker acquires specific skills. The results also show that the establishment of a formal employment relationship reduces the probability of a quit decision by the worker, and also the firm’s firing decision in non-industrial sectors. With regard to the evolution of quit probability over time, the results show that an increase in the unemployment rate inhibits quitting, although this tends to wane as the unemployment rate rises.