Last stop expulsion - The minority question and forced migration in East-Central Europe: 1918-49

This article deals with the European minorities in the period between the two world wars and with their final expulsion from nation-states at the end of World War II. First, the tensions which arose between the organised minorities and the successor states of the Habsburg Monarchy are accounted for primarily by the argument that the various minorities located within the successor states had already undergone a comprehensive processes of nationalisation within the Habsburg Empire. Therefore they were able to resist assimilation by the political elites of the new titular nations (Czechs, Poles, Rumanians, Serbs). A second topic is that of the use made of the minorities issue by Adolf Hitler to help achieve his expansionist aims. The minorities issue was central to the international destabilisation of interwar Europe. Finally, the mass expulsion of minorities (above all, Germans) after the end of the war is explained by strategic considerations on the part of the Allied powers as well as involving the nation-state regimes. It is argued, against a commonly held view, that German atrocities during the period of occupation had little to do with the decision to expel most ethnic Germans from their territories of settlement in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia. The article shows that it is necessary to treat national minorities in the first half of the twentieth century as a single phenomenon which shares similar features across the various nation-states of East-Central Europe.

Links between migration and the presence of foreign combatants in armed conflict

This article explores the connections between migration and foreign combat, offering an improved definition of „foreign fighters,” and a general concept of foreign combatants’ behaviour as an anomalous form of migration. In contrast with the popular discourse and terrorism-related concerns about present-day Western European foreign fighters in Iraq and Syria (and their return to Europe) and Middle Eastern migrant refugees (and their arrival in Europe), the intention of this article is to offer a conceptually thorough consideration of the causal connections between movements of migration and the presence of foreign combatants in armed conflict, informed by a wide sample of cases. Such an assessment has to take place with a view to all forms of migration (including forced migration), all forms of foreign combat (not only foreign combat on the side of non-state actors as David Malet's oft-cited but overly restrictive definition would imply), and regions of the world beyond the Middle East and Islamic countries. Along these guiding lines, the article points out many comparatively rarely considered cases of foreign combat as well as the underestimated obstacles in the way of fighting abroad. Taking account of the latter allows refutation of a key implication of „new war theory” (its focus on „greed” as a motive of combatants), in light of the continued importance of cultural factors and ideological motives for participation in foreign combat.

Supporting refugee students in schools : what constitutes inclusive education?

The worldwide rise in numbers of refugees and asylum seekers suggests the need to examine the practices of those institutions charged with their resettlement in host countries. In this paper we investigate the role of one important institution – schooling – and its contribution to the successful resettlement of refugee children. We begin with an examination of forced migration and its links with globalisation, and the barriers to inclusion confronting refugees. A discussion of the educational challenges confronting individual refugee youth and schools is followed by case studies of four schools and the approaches they had developed to meet the needs of young people from a refugee background. Using our findings and other research, we outline a model of good practice in refugee education. We conclude by discussing how educational institutions might play a more active role in facilitating transitions to citizenship for refugee youth through an inclusive approach.

Schooling and refugees : engaging with the complex trajectories of globalisation

This paper examines the complexities associated with educating a mobile and politically marginalised population, refugee students, in the state of Queensland, Australia. Historically, schools have been national institutions concerned with social reproduction and citizenship formation with a focus on spatially fixed populations. While education authorities in much of the developed world now acknowledge the need to prepare students for a more interconnected world of work and opportunity, they have largely failed to provide systemic support for one category of children on the move - refugees. We begin this paper with a discussion of forced migration and its links with ‘globalisation’. We then present our research findings about the educational challenges confronting individual refugee youth and schools in Queensland. This is followed with a summary of good practice in refugee education. The paper concludes with a discussion of how nation-states might play a more active role in facilitating transitions to citizenship for refugee youth.

Unpacking the micro-macro nexus: narratives of suffering and hope among refugees from Burma recently settled in Australia

Narratives of forced migration are open to a variety of interpretations. In mental health, refugee narratives of arduous journeys in the face of systemic macro socio-political forces are often transformed from this context into a medicalized micro context of inner individual worlds. Both the dominant pathogenic lens of trauma studies and the growing salutogenic lens embodied in resilience research, often reflect a western cultural idiom of focusing on the individualized nature of these phenomena. Using qualitative data collected from refugees from Burma now settling in Australia, the article emphasizes the need for a more reflexive and expansive account of both suffering and hope within refugee narratives. It recounts these narratives within a conceptual framework which acknowledges the importance of the connections between the micro individual experience and the macro, socio-political context. This is not only a question of political principle, but also a matter of listening to the voice of those who know most about the relationship between macro forces of human rights violations and their impact on individual, family and community trajectories.

Trauma and survival in African humanitarian entrants to Australia

Former refugees have been resettled in Australia since the 1940’s through the Humanitarian Migration Stream. This chapter highlights the impact of forced migration and the refugee experience of trauma on survival. The journey from pre-migration crises, to the process of fleeing one’s country, through to the challenges associated with resettlement, can have a significant impact on the mental health of Humanitarian Entrants to Australia. Differences in culture can have an impact on the meaning constructed from these experiences, and on help-seeking behaviour and preferred methods of intervention. To date, Western mental health services have used an understanding of trauma based on pathology and largely individualist intervention techniques. In this chapter, however, we seek to understand the experience of trauma for former refugees from a salutogenic perspective, and acknowledge community based coping methods and the strengths and resilience of former refugees. Using the construct of posttraumatic growth, adaptive factors of strength, religion, compassion, and new possibilities are identified as relevant to African Humanitarian Entrants in Australia.

Community Resilience: Fostering Recovery, Sustainability, and Growth

In this chapter, the authors define community resilience and identify the components that predict it will occur. Three dimensions are highlighted: recovery, sustainability, and growth. Their discussion focuses on communities like those of Sudanese refugees who have experienced forced migration, emphasizing the importance that community plays to future adaptation. They show through their report on their research that community collaboration, shared identity, and empowerment increase bonding and bridging capital that promote the well-being of people under stress. They argue that an emphasis on community resilience places value on the social connections, policies, programs, and community context necessary for resilience in different cultures and contexts.

Mobility and security: the perceived benefits of citizenship for resettled young people from refugee backgrounds

In recent decades, the meaning and value of formal state citizenship has shifted dramatically. In the same period, scholarship on citizenship has drawn attention to the proliferation of alternative forms of sub-, supra- and transnational citizenship, at times obscuring the ongoing importance of formal state citizenship. For refugees, however, formal state citizenship remains a critical and widely shared goal. Drawing on interviews with 51 young people from refugee backgrounds in Melbourne, Australia, this article explores the intersecting themes of mobility and security that were identified by participants as the most important benefits of acquiring formal state citizenship in the country of resettlement. In contrast to the insecurity of forced migration, formal state citizenship provides a privileged mobility that enables refugee-background youth to maintain and create transnational identities and attachments and to be protected while doing so, while also granting a secure status within the nation state and insurance against further displacement in an uncertain future. In offering these forms of mobility and security, formal state citizenship contributes to a sense of ontological security among refugee-background youth, providing an important foundation for building national and transnational futures.

Sons e Migração Forçada: Usos da Memória nas Práticas Expressivas

A partir de 1975, como consequência do processo de descolonização, mais de meio milhão de pessoas teve de abandonar Angola, país onde residia, rumo a Portugal. Estes migrantes, uma vez chegados ao seu destino, foram chamados “retornados”. Esta dissertação aborda o papel da música no fenómeno de migração forçada da qual os “naturais e ex-residentes de Angola” foram os protagonistas, bem como as formas como a deslocação é hoje por eles vivida. São apresentados dois casos de estudo, resultado de trabalho de campo realizado em Portugal. O primeiro diz respeito aos convívios que são organizados anualmente na cidade das Caldas da Rainha pelos ex-residentes das cidades angolanas do Huambo e da Huíla, e onde a música e a dança se revestem de uma importância relevante. O segundo foca a história de vida e as práticas expressivas de Pedro Coquenão, originário da cidade do Huambo, locutor radiofónico, músico, DJ e mentor do projeto performativo Batida. Em ambos os casos foi analisado o papel da música e da performance na integração, afirmação e reinvenção identitária. É salientada a importância da memória e dos seus diferentes usos, e da sensorialidade nas práticas expressivas dos intervenientes, já que estas favorecem a permanência e a reconstrução da sua “angolanidade” em Portugal.

Réfugiés climatiques : statut et traitement

L’état actuel des travaux ne rend pas compte de l’ampleur des questions philosophiques et des enjeux moraux suscités par l’apparition sur la scène internationale des réfugiés climatiques. Il est pourtant urgent de leur accorder une protection à travers des accords internationaux. Les philosophes qui se sont penchés sur le sujet ont été induits en erreur tant par la multiplicité des termes employés que leur absence de définitions. Ce travail critique la tendance actuelle des militants écologistes à vouloir englober des populations aux problèmes divers sous le terme de réfugié. Banaliser l’emploi du terme de réfugié n’est pas seulement fallacieux mais également dangereux. A terme, les militants se tourneront vers la Convention de Genève pour revendiquer que les populations déplacées soient considérées comme des réfugiés. Or la Convention de Genève n’est pas un outil adéquat pour remédier au sort de ces populations. De plus, on ne peut élargir le statut de réfugié pour inclure ces populations sans risquer de perdre sa crédibilité et son efficience. Suivre la pente qu’emprunte les militants nous mènerait à accorder le même traitement aux réfugiés climatiques et aux réfugiés politiques, ce qui est une erreur. Notre hypothèse est que les habitants des petits pays insulaires à l’inverse des autres populations ont besoin d’un élargissement de la Convention de Genève. Nous arguerons que nous avons des devoirs et des responsabilités envers eux que nous n’avons pas envers les réfugiés politiques. Pour défendre ce point de vue, il faut définir clairement ce qu’est un réfugié climatique et justifier cette appellation. Nous devrons donc confronter la notion de réfugié climatique à d’autres notions concurrentes. Une fois les termes définis, nous envisagerons les enjeux éthiques à travers le prisme des questions de justice globale. Nous verrons que pour déterminer qui devrait remédier au sort des réfugiés climatique, il ne suffit pas de se référer à la responsabilité causale. Cela nous mènera à arguer que bien que séduisant, le principe pollueur-payeur n’est pas un outil adéquat pour guider la réflexion. Nous serons également amenés à nous interroger sur la pertinence d’une institution environnementale globale.

La transformation du lien social : les parcours migratoires et d'établissement des réfugiés de l'ex-Yougoslavie à la ville de Saguenay et à Joliette

Thèse numérisée par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Reconfiguration et stratégies d'adaptation familiales et économiques chez les déplacés forcés Embera Chami à Pereira (Colombie)

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Incidencia de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática en las relaciones diplomáticas Colombo-Ecuatorianas desde Agosto de 2002 a Marzo de 2008

Las relaciones entre Colombia y Ecuador se han mantenido en una dinámica histórica de cooperación y conflicto donde se ha buscado mantener unos lazos de vecindad y convivencia en calma. La proximidad geográfica y además un marco histórico-cultural similar, ha llevado a la generación de fuertes alianzas socio-económicas entre las poblaciones fronterizas, de tal manera que se ha desarrollado una integración binacional compleja. Esta relación en la última década ha mantenido una incapacidad institucional binacional para solucionar los problemas transfronterizos, pues la política de vecindad se encontraba determinada por la situación interna de cada país y la injerencia de las dinámicas continentales. La coyuntura interna de los Estados direccionó sus políticas, Ecuador estaba envuelto en una inestabilidad política, generada por continuos cambios de gobierno, lo cual hacía cambiar su posición frente a las relaciones con Colombia en cortos lapsos de tiempo, de tal forma que se desestabilizaban los proyectos conjuntos. Por otro lado Colombia dada la problemática del conflicto interno basó su agenda en el tema de la seguridad puesto que éste flagelo agudizaba los problemas socio-políticos, de tal forma que el Estado colombiano se vio enfrentado a una crisis interna que encontró una salida a través de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática instaurada por el Presidente Álvaro Uribe Vélez en el 2002,la cual trajo consigo un método de lucha basado en la seguridad con acciones dirigidas a garantizar el control del territorio y la defensa de la soberanía nacional, combatiendo el problema de las drogas, el crimen organizado, el terrorismo y las migraciones por desplazamiento forzoso; mediante la generación de lazos de solidaridad que unieron a la población colombiana en torno a la solución del problema. Ésta política ha trabajado en la seguridad a nivel interno y de defensa nacional, pues dada la magnitud de la amenaza se hizo necesario fortalecer el apoyo internacional con énfasis en los países fronterizos. De ahí que Colombia haya hecho un llamado a la comunidad internacional para desarrollar un trabajo coordinado que impida la implicación de redes del terrorismo internacional en las actividades de los grupos armados ilegales colombianos. La ampliación del conflicto colombiano ha afectado a Ecuador, el cual se ha visto perturbado negativamente por la lucha interna colombiana a partir de la Política de Defensa y Seguridad Democrática.