991 resultados para Favela, childish violence, institutional agenda, UNICEF
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Este trabajo explica la realidad brasileña de las favelas, en particular las que se ubican en la ciudad de Rio de Janeiro. Así mismo, se pretende ubicar al lector en la favela Rocinha, y en uno de los principales problemas que enfrentan sus habitantes: la violencia infantil, o violencia contra los niños. La incapacidad del Estado para dar solución a este problema ha llevado a instituciones como UNICEF a crear alternativas para mitigarlo, por lo que es importante analizar esa nueva agenda, traducida en el primer ciclo del programa "Plataforma de Centros Urbanos". Se ha escogido el trabajo de campo como herramienta metodológica para dar cuenta de tal realidad, y para llegar a la conclusión de que un problema social puede, efectivamente, modificar la determinación de una agenda institucional.
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Includes bibliography
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La présente vise à étudier le rôle que jouent les groupes dans les Sénats universitaires en période de restrictions budgétaires. En utilisant le cadre d’analyse des conflits fourni par Bélanger et Lemieux (2002), en développant une typologie dérivée de celle de Hardy (1996) et en se basant sur les constats empiriques de Jones (2001, 2004) concernant les perceptions des participants à cette instance, nous avons analysé le déroulement de l’Assemblée universitaire de l’Université de Montréal au cours de l’hiver 2008. Les résultats montrent que les groupes syndicaux et associatifs collaborent peu, que la direction réussit à tirer son épingle du jeu en formant des alliances ponctuelles avec les différentes factions et que l’Assemblée ne joue plus efficacement le rôle pour lequel elle a été créée. Cette étude montre l’importance de continuer la recherche sur la micropolitique universitaire afin d’appuyer la recherche actuelle portant sur les meilleures pratiques en enseignement supérieur.
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Este artículo se centra en el papel de UNASUR frente a las diversas crisis nacionales e internacionales que ha vivido Suramérica desde 2008. Igualmente, analiza su accionar en dos casos concretos: Ecuador en 2010 y Paraguay en 2012, que son ejemplos extremos de la vulnerabilidad institucional prevaleciente en la región. Se evidencia, además, que el proceso de resolución de conflictos es un tema frágil en la agenda política e institucional de UNASUR que se vincula, sobre todo, con la defensa de la democracia y el mantenimiento de la paz, factores importantes para los Estados.
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The Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC), Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean convened an expert group meeting on Social Exclusion, Poverty, Inequality – Crime and Violence: Towards a Research Agenda for informed Public Policy for Caribbean SIDS on Friday 4 April 2008, at its conference room in Port of Spain. The meeting was attended by 14 experts drawn from, the University of the West Indies (UWI), St. Augustine, Trinidad and Tobago; and Mona Campus, Jamaica; the St. Georges University, Grenada; the Trinidad and Tobago Crime Commission and the Ministry of Social Development, Government of Trinidad and Tobago and representative of Civil Society from Guyana. Experts from the United Nations System included representatives from the United Nations Fund for Women (UNIFEM), Barbados; the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Port of Spain and UNDP Barbados/SRO and the Organisation of Eastern Caribbean States (OECS). The list of participants appears as an annex to this report. The purpose of the meeting was to provide a forum in which differing theories and methodologies useful to addressing the issues of social exclusion, poverty, inequality, crime and violence could be explored. It was expected that at the end of the meeting there would be consensus on areas of research which could be pursued over a two to four-year period by the ECLAC Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean and its partners, which would lead to informed public policy in support of the reduction of the growing violence in Caribbean society.
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International migration sets in motion a range of significant transnational processes that connect countries and people. How migration interacts with development and how policies might promote and enhance such interactions have, since the turn of the millennium, gained attention on the international agenda. The recognition that transnational practices connect migrants and their families across sending and receiving societies forms part of this debate. The ways in which policy debate employs and understands transnational family ties nevertheless remain underexplored. This article sets out to discern the understandings of the family in two (often intermingled) debates concerned with transnational interactions: The largely state and policydriven discourse on the potential benefits of migration on economic development, and the largely academic transnational family literature focusing on issues of care and the micro-politics of gender and generation. Emphasizing the relation between diverse migration-development dynamics and specific family positions, we ask whether an analytical point of departure in respective transnational motherhood, fatherhood or childhood is linked to emphasizing certain outcomes. We conclude by sketching important strands of inclusions and exclusions of family matters in policy discourse and suggest ways to better integrate a transnational family perspective in global migration-development policy.
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Este estudio presenta un análisis exploratorio sobre la correlación entre la fortaleza institucional, las condiciones de paz, y el emprendimiento en una muestra de 23 departamentos en Colombia usando datos de 2014. Para llevar a cabo este objetivo se propusieron y construyeron tres índices siguiendo definiciones conceptuales seminales o estándares de evaluación internacional, a saber: 1) El Índice de Fortaleza Institucional, 2) El Índice de Construcción de Paz (construido a partir del índice de paz negativa y el índice de paz positiva) y 3) El Índice de Emprendimiento Productivo. Los resultados no muestran una correlación significativa entre todos los tres índices. Por un lado, existe una correlación significativa (p<0.05) entre los índices de fortaleza institucional y emprendimiento productivo. Por otro lado, existen correlaciones negativas no significativas entre los índices de paz positiva y fortaleza institucional, emprendimiento productivo y paz positiva y emprendimiento productivo y construcción de paz. En un segundo acercamiento, la población de los departamentos fue la variable con mayor número de correlaciones significativas (p<0.01) entre variables relacionadas con emprendimiento productivo, empleo, producto interno bruto, sofisticación industrial, innovación (patentes) y crimen. Finalmente, se discuten las conclusiones y las futuras investigaciones.
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In Brazil the 1990s constituted years of institutional achievements in the fields of housing and urban rights, given the incorporation of the principles of the social function of cities and property, the recognition of tenure rights for slum dwellers and the direct participation of citizens in the decision making process of urban policies, within the 1988 Constitution. These proposals have become the pillars of the Urban Reform agenda which has penetrated the federal government apparatus since the creation of the Ministry of Cities under Lula's administration. The article evaluates the limits and possibilities for the implementation of this agenda through the analysis of two policies proposed by the Ministry: the National Council of Cities and the campaign for Participatory Master Plans. The approach is based on the organization of the Brazilian State in terms of urban development, the relationship with the political system and the characteristics of Brazilian democracy.
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Background: violence against women is a serious problem caused by the social construction of feminineness and masculineness that results in the domination of women by men. Public policies on gender have recently been developed in order to confront the problem. But what exactly are the problems faced by women? Purposes: to survey and analyse cases of violence against women reported to the police, as recorded at the Police Stations for Women`s Defence (PSWDs), and to reconstruct the procedures that women must go through in order to denounce their aggressors. Methodology: this quantitative, exploratory and descriptive study was undertaken during 2006-2007 in the city of Itapevi, Sao Paulo metropolitan region, Brazil. As there is no PSWD data were collected from police reports from PSWDs of neighbouring cities. Findings: malicious physical injury (49%) and threats (42%) were the most commonly reported types of violence. The victims were aged between 20 and 49 years (93%). Almost all of the aggressors (97%) were men and most had an intimate relationship with their victim. The use of alcoholic beverages was linked to approximately 25% of the cases. Conclusion: women who are victims of domestic violence in Itapevi report that going through PSWDs of neighbouring cities is a difficult, isolated, long and expensive process that often, provides no institutional protection. Implications for practice: there is an urgent requirement for judicial-assistance and support close to home in order to provide a quality service and follow-up for these women and their aggressors; to provide training for the professionals called to attend them at police stations; and for a caring attitude from health-care professionals.,0 2010 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The 1990s in Brazil were a time of institutional advances in the areas of housing and urban rights following the signing of the new constitution in 1988 that incorporated the principles of the social function of cities and property, recognition of the right to ownership of informal urban squatters and the direct participation of citizens in urban policy decision processes. These propositions are the pillars of the urban reform agenda which, since the creation of the Ministry of Cities by the Lula government, has come under the federal executive branch. This article evaluates the limitations and opportunities involved in implementing this agenda on the basis of two policies proposed by the ministry - the National Cities Council and the campaign for Participatory Master Plans - focusing the analysis on government organization in the area of urban development in its relationship with the political system and the characteristics of Brazilian democracy. Resume Au Bresil, les annees 1990 ont ete marquees par des progres institutionnels en matiere de logement et de droits urbains, dans le sillage de la Constitution de 1988 qui integre les principes d`une fonction sociale de la ville et de la propriete urbaine, ainsi que la reconnaissance du droit a la propriete pour les squatters urbains et la participation directe des citoyens aux processus d`elaboration des politiques urbaines. Ce sont egalement les piliers du programme de reforme urbaine qui releve de l`executif federal depuis la creation d`un ministere des Villes par le gouvernement Lula. Pour evaluer les limites et potentiels lies a la mise en place de ce programme, cet article s`appuie sur deux politiques publiques proposees par le ministere, le Conseil national des villes et la campagne en faveur des Plans directeurs participatifs, en analysant plus particulierement l`organisation gouvernementale en matiere d`urbanisme par rapport au systeme politique et aux caracteristiques de la democratie bresilienne.
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Analisar como o problema do álcool e direção foi incorporado à agenda política brasileira é o objetivo deste trabalho. Entre as décadas de 1980 e 1990, as taxas dos acidentes de trânsito correspondiam a quase metade dos óbitos por causas externas, com tendências crescentes. Foi nas últimas duas décadas do século XX, que os acidentes de trânsito foram definidos como problema de saúde pública e, dentro da discussão dos acidentes, violência e óbitos por causas externas, a combinação álcool e direção foi configurada como um problema que requer políticas públicas.
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OBJECTIVE To analyze the content of policies and action plans within the public healthcare system that addresses the issue of violence against women.METHODS A descriptive and comparative study was conducted on the health policies and plans in Catalonia and Costa Rica from 2005 to 2011. It uses a qualitative methodology with documentary analysis. It is classified by topics that describe and interpret the contents. We considered dimensions, such as principles, strategies, concepts concerning violence against women, health trends, and evaluations.RESULTS Thirteen public policy documents were analyzed. In both countries’ contexts, we have provided an overview of violence against women as a problem whose roots are in gender inequality. The strategies of gender policies that address violence against women are cultural exchange and institutional action within the public healthcare system. The actions of the healthcare sector are expanded into specific plans. The priorities and specificity of actions in healthcare plans were the distinguishing features between the two countries.CONCLUSIONS The common features of the healthcare plans in both the counties include violence against women, use of protocols, detection tasks, care and recovery for women, and professional self-care. Catalonia does not consider healthcare actions with aggressors. Costa Rica has a lower specificity in conceptualization and protocol patterns, as well as a lack of updates concerning health standards in Catalonia.
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This paper addresses the puzzle of why legislation, even highly inefficient legislation, may pass with overwhelming majorities. We model a egislature in which the same agenda setter serves for two periods, showing how he can exploit a legislature (completely) in the first period by romising future benefits to legislators who support him. In equilibrium, large majority of legislators vote for the first-period proposal because a ote in favor maintains the chance for membership in the minimum winning coalition in the future. The model thus generates situations in which egislators approve policies by large majorities, or even unanimously, that enefit few, or even none, of them. The results are robust: some institutional arrangements, such as super-majority rules or sequential voting, imit but do not eliminate the agenda setter's power to exploit the legislature, and other institutions such as secret voting do not limit his power.
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The higher education sector has become increasingly competitive and prospective students are adopting a consumerist approach to institution and programme choice. In response, higher education marketing has become more complex, market-oriented and business-like. Financial sustainability of open education resource (OER) projects is a widespread concern. This paper explores the extent to which a classical product placement framework can be applied to OERs to justify institutional funding in OER projects as a marketing investment. It is argued that OERs designed on this premise can increase cognitive, affective and conative brand outcomes while providing the traditional educational and societal benefits associated with OERs. A series of propositions are presented that may form the basis of a future research agenda.