21 resultados para Fanaticism


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Checklist Amer. imprints

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As formas de definir «corrupção e fraude» são infinitas, pelo que a aplicação do Direito penal constitucional pode ficar prejudicada. A comunicação e o comentário público e política são por vezes feitos em termos profundamente equivocados. Recentemente, em Portugal, destacados políticos e comentadores chegaram a apelar à «criminalização do enriquecimento ilícito», nem que fosse com o sacrifício da própria Constituição ou do Estado de Direito. É a democracia que passa a estar em perigo. Ao mesmo tempo que se defende com fanatismo quase teológico o sistema económico capitalista, procura-se consagrar na lei a sua destruição. Ou seja, há uma certa demagogia política que quer ter tudo ao mesmo tempo como se isso fosse possível. Perante isto, resta ao cidadão comum agir se for necessário sob as possibilidades das causas de justificação e fazendo uso do direito constitucional de resistência. ABSTRACT Ways to define «corruption and fraud» are endless, so the application of constitutional criminal law may be impaired. The communication and public comment and politics are sometimes done in terms profoundly mistaken. Recently, in Portugal, prominent politicians and commentators have come to call the «criminalization of illicit enrichment» (embezzlement) even if it was at the sacrifice of the Constitution or the rule of law. It is democracy that happens to be in danger. At the same time it defends itself with almost theological fanaticism the capitalist economic system, seeking to enshrine in law its destruction. That is, there is a certain political demagoguery that wants to have everything at the same time as if that were possible. Given this, it remains to ordinary act if necessary under the scope of defenses and making use of the constitutional right of resistance.

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Resumo: a criação dum Tribunal Constitucional Internacional, no nosso entender, é uma exigência da própria Declaração Universal dos Direitos do Homem de 1948. Neste texto são apresentados uma série de argumentos velhos e novos para a importância da existência do Tribunal Constitucional Internacional a nível mundial. Trata-se dum Tribunal que é indispensável à defesa dos Direitos do Homem, contra qualquer tipo de ditadura ou fanatismo económico, social, político, cultural ou mental. § Abstract: the creation of an International Constitutional Court, in our view, is a requirement of own Universal Declaration of Human Rights of 1948. In this paper are given a lot of old and new arguments for the importance of the existence of the International Constitutional Court worldwide. It is of a Court that is indispensable to the defense of human rights, against all forms of dictatorship or economic fanaticism, social, political, cultural or mental.

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Aquests darrers anys hem viscut amb estupor la sensació d'un creixent fanatisme suïcida, que de forma simplista s'associa a determinats grups i ideologies. Fa unes setmanes, per exemple, a Catalunya es van detenir més d'una dotzena de persones acusades d'estar vinculades a una xarxa que enviava voluntaris i diners per perpetrar atemptats suïcides a altres països, que viuen amb molta intensitat els rigors d'aquest fanatisme [...].

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ABSTRACT The paper intends to build a dialogue between Nāgārjuna and Schelling on Self, world, and standpoints, taking as main references Nāgārjuna's The Fundamental Verses of the Middle Way and Schelling's Philosophical Letters on Dogmatism and Criticism. Whereas Nāgārjuna criticizes the substantialization of beings by resorting to the discourse of the dependent co-origination in order to overcome suffering, Schelling, on his turn, refutes the fanaticism based on dogmatism's tenets in favor of the criticism interpreted according to its spirit, and not according to its letter, in order to emancipate humanity. Starting with a succint contextualization of the Eastern and Western philosophical discourse, proceeding further to discuss the philosophies of both thinkers, the paper is concluded by assessing their theories.

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Los mecanismos policiales y judiciales que ha creado la UE para la lucha contra el terrorismo interno europeo han sido eficientes pero insuficientes. Además la naturaleza del terrorismo ha cambiado particularmente el islámico en una amenaza diferente

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Inside the stones of its most famous buildings, Évora keeps mysteries and secrets which constitute the most hidden side of its cultural identity. A World Heritage site, this town seems to preserve, in its medieval walls, a precious knowledge of the most universal and ancient human emotion: fear. Trying to transcend many of its past and future fears, some of its historical monuments in Gothic style were erected against the fear of death, the most terrible of all fears, which the famous inscription, in the Bones Chapel of the Church of São Francisco, insistently reminds us, through the most disturbing words: “Nós ossos que aqui estamos pelos vossos esperamos”. If the first inquisitors worked in central Europe (Germany, northern Italy, eastern France), later the centres of the Inquisition were established in the Mediterranean regions, especially southern France, Italy, Portugal, and Spain. Consequently, the roots of fear in Évora are common to other towns, where the Inquisition developed a culture of fear, through which we can penetrate into the dark side of the Mediterranean, where people were subjected to the same terrifying methods of persecution and torture. This common geographical and historical context was not ignored by one of the most famous masters of American gothic fiction, Edgar Allan Poe. Through the pages of The Pit and the Pendulum, readers get precise images of the fearful instruments of terror that were able to produce the legend that has made the first grand inquisitor, Tomas de Torquemada, a symbol of ultimate cruelty, bigotry, intolerance, and religious fanaticism, which unfortunately are still the source of our present fears in a time when religious beliefs can be used again as a motif of war and destruction. As Krishnamurti once suggested, only a fundamental realization of the root of all fear can free our minds.

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Nossa pesquisa visa estudar a produção de subjetividade em instituições e estabelecimentos católicos dedicados à formação religiosa de seus membros. Neste artigo, tomamos como estudo o caso de um relato feito por um ex-membro do movimento Focolare. Procuramos descrever seu percurso formativo, sua integração e posterior abandono do grupo religioso. Operando basicamente por subtração e por meio de acréscimo de imaginário, a tecnologia empregada pelos movimentos religiosos integristas pode produzir uma subjetividade serializada de matiz fortemente fanático, sem espaço para a individualidade, para a iniciativa criadora, para a singularidade. Concluímos com algumas notas psicossociais relativas à compreensão psicanalítica do fanatismo religioso.

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1792, Madri. After years of inactivity, the Spanish Inquisition is born again with the mission of containing the laic winds that blow from the revolutionary France. Inês Bilbatúa, a rich merchant’s daugther, is victim of the inquisitorial machinery which tortures and violates her, through one of their abetters, the Dominican monk Lorenzo. Before being arrested, the young lady had served as model for the painter Francisco of Goya, who had also portrayed the monk Lorenzo. The Aragonese painter’s figure serves as narrative conductor of a history that narrates the young Inês’ via crucis and, at the same time, it recreates the historical scenery of the Napoleonic invasion (1808), through a basic element, the painting. Our work intends to analyze the relationships among movie, painting and history present in “Goya’s ghosts” (2006), of the Czech director Milos Forman (1932) - whose script was adapted to a homonymous book in 2007 -, a movie that is based on the artistic production of Francisco of Goya y Lucientes (1746 -1828), official painter of Carlos’ IV (1788 -1808) court and the most lucid columnist of his time, that knew how to capture in his works the religious fanaticism, the populist fervour, the governor’s hypocrisy and the horror and the violence of the war.

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Trying to give a definition of Citizenship Education is a challenging operation: it is characterized by a variety of meanings flowing from Civic Education (related to knowledge and practice about the system of laws, rules, conventions referring to a particular civil community) to Socio-political education (related to the awareness of being part of the system of cultural elements, values, traditions historically produced by the community itself). It would be not be correct identifying Citizenship Education only with elements of Civic Education, as it would restrict its range to formal level of rules and laws, rights and duties. Otherwise, limiting its understanding only on elements of Sociopolitical Education, would offer the risk of investing in cultural similarities, common roots, values homogeneity, that are strong in giving hold on identity, membership, participation, but so exposed to acts of fanaticism, exclusion of diversity, hostility towards minorities. Therefore, it is necessary to assume that Citizenship Education has to be established on problematic integration of the two presented perspectives, thus founding knowledge and practice about the rules of civil society on the system of values and cultural aspects that every single micro-community (and every single individual) recognizes to be source of the rules: a complex system of various elements made of homogeneity and inhomogeneity, similarities and differences in constant modification an dynamic intercommunication.