986 resultados para Family farm


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For farmers, the decision as to when to retire is probably one of the hardest that they will have to face during their working lives. The business of farming brings special circumstances which means that retirement is more often a process than a definitive action. This paper seeks firstly to clarify those special circumstances, and then, by means of flow charts, to identify the key decisions which must be faced if the retirement is to be successful. The practise of handing on the farmland and the other business assets to the next generation are regarded as separate but interrelated stages in the process of retirement, both having legal, financial and human consequences which are considered. By way of conclusion, the parameters for a successful retirement are considered, both from the standpoint of the retirer and of the successor.

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In Chile, small-scale farmers are classified according to old approaches from 1993 that do not include changes occurred in the last two decades. Maule is the region with most rural population in Chile which represents a significant stratum for development, innovation and competitiveness. This study explores a new approach of small-scale farmers -associated with Family Farm Agriculture (AFC) - classification in Chile and it describes a commercial profile or AFC-1 for famers of the Maule Region. A Cluster analysis to determine AFC-1 farmers is used. The analysis includes four association variables: Total Assets, Farm Income, Production Costs and Management Indicators. The results suggest that 16.4% of the farmers have a commercial profile and they could stay out support provided by the National Institute for Agricultural Development (INDAP). This group of farmers would not belong to AFC in short terms. This fact could bring restriction to AFC-1 farmers such as lack of credit access, less investment incentives and technical assistance. Thus, it would expect low process of technology adoption and welfare improvement. New agrarian policies must be warranted to support this important group of famers with a commercial profile.

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Small family farm in mountain areas can found in horticulture one alternative to increase incomes. Horticulture crop required more labour and increased the land intensification. Market of production will be the key factor in the future of this family farms.

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Includes bibliographical references and index.

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Nearly half of all U.S. marriages end in divorce, but how do divorces impact farmers? What can farmers do to protect their property and assets from the financial devastation of divorce? How can an extended family use estate planning to protect the family farm from divorce?

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‘Rural stress’ and ‘farming stress’ are terms that have become commonly appropriated by British health-based academic disciplines, the medical profession and social support networks, especially since the agricultural ‘crises’ of B.S.E. and Foot and Mouth Disease. Looking beyond the media headlines, it is apparent that the terms in fact are colloquial catch-alls for visible psychological and physiological outcomes shown by individuals. Seldom have the underlying causes and origins of presentable medical outcomes been probed, particularly within the context of the patriarchal and traditionally patrilineal way of life which family forms of farming business activity in Britain encapsulate. Thus, this paper argues that insufficient attention has been paid to the conceptualization of the terms. They have become both over-used and ill-defined in their application to British family farm individuals and their life situations. A conceptual framework is outlined that attempts to shift the stress research agenda into the unilluminated spaces of the family farming ‘way of life’ and focus instead on ‘distress’. Drawing upon theorization from agricultural and feminist geography together with cultural approaches from rural geography, four distinct clusters of distress originate from the thoughts of individuals and the social practices now required to enact patriarchal family farming gender identities. These are explored using case study evidence from ethnographic repeated life history interviews with members of seven farming families in Powys, Mid Wales, an area dominated by family forms of farming business. Future research agendas need to be based firmly on the distressing reality of patriarchal family farming and also be inclusive of those who, having rejected the associated way of life, now lie beyond the farm gate.

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This article is concerned with how men and women on farms socially construct their gender and work identities through interaction with each other and public representations of themselves. It is argued that identity is a process, and like gender, it is socially constructed through ‘doing’ identity.
Farming has changed tremendously over the last forty years in Europe. The position of women in the labour market and on the family farm has also undergone significant changes. In Western Europe, women in general and women on family farms are more likely to be active in the labour market than they were forty years ago. While it remains the case that all of their labour on the farm is not properly recorded, they now also have visible, paid employment. Scholars have been surprised that farm women’s gender identity has not changed more significantly with this changed labour market presence. This article argues that in order to understand this limited change we need to understand how men and women in family farms verify and reinforce farming work identities and farming gender identities. It is argued that while off-farm work does not ‘look’ like gender deviant work, it is because it questions the male breadwinner role. An analysis of this helps us understand why the discourse of the family farm remains so dominant and so persistent. In 2012 and 2013, a qualitative study was undertaken in Northern Ireland to examine the gender implications of the EU rural development programme on farms and rural areas. Some of the data gathered as part of this study is interpreted to shed light on how and why particular work and gender identities are constructed within the farm family.


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Daniel Clendenan (1793-1866) was the son of Abraham Clendenan, a private in Butler’s Rangers. He was married to Susan[na] [Albrecht ] Albright, daughter of Amos Albright. Daniel and Susan[na] had twelve children and belonged to the Disciple Church. In 1826 Daniel Clendenan purchased Part lot 14, Concession 6, Louth Township from Robert Roberts Loring. On this property he built a home and conducted the business of blacksmithing and along with William Jones operated a lumber mill. Volume 1 and the first part of Volume 2 are Daniel Clendenan’s account books. Daniel and his wife Susan are buried in the Vineland Mennonite cemetery. Daniel and Susan[na]’s youngest daughter, Sarah, married widower Andrew Thompson (1825-1901), son of Charles and grandson of Solomon. Andrew Thompson had settled in the Wainfleet area in 1854 and had owned a mill in Wellandport. Daniel Clendenan, in ill health, passed ownership of Lot 14, Concession 6, Louth Township to his son-in-law Andrew Thompson. Robert Roberts Loring, the original owner of lot 14, concession 6 in Louth was born in September of 1789 in England. He joined the 49th Regiment of Foot as an ensign in December of 1804 and arrived in Quebec the following July. He served with Isaac Brock and Roger Sheaffe. In 1806 he was promoted to lieutenant. Loring was hired by Lieutenant General Gordon Drummond and accompanied him to Ireland in 1811, but the outbreak of war in the States in 1812 drew Loring back to Canada. On June 26, 1812 Loring became a captain in the 104th Regiment of Foot. On October 29 of the same year, he was appointed aide-de-camp to Sheaffe who was the administrator of Upper Canada. During the American attack on York in April 1813, Loring suffered an injury to his right arm from which he never recovered. In December of 1813, Drummond assumed command of the forces in Upper Canada and he appointed Loring as his aide-de-camp, later civil secretary and eventually his personal secretary. Loring was with Drummond in 1813 at the capture of Fort Niagara (near Youngstown), N.Y. He was also with Drummond in the attacks on Fort Niagara, settlements along the American side of the Niagara River, and then York and Kingston. In July of 1814 he was promoted to brevet major, however he was captured at the Battle of Lundy’s Lane and he spent the remainder of the conflict in Cheshire, Massachusetts. One of his fellow captives was William Hamilton Merritt. Loring remained in the army and had numerous military posts in Canada and England. He retired in 1839 and lived the last of his years in Toronto. He died on April 1, 1848. Sources: http://www.biographi.ca/en/bio/loring_robert_roberts_7E.html and “Loring, Robert Roberts” by Robert Malcomson in The Encyclopedia Of the War Of 1812 edited by Spencer Tucker, James R. Arnold, Roberta Wiener, Paul G. Pierpaoli, John C. Fredriksen

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This paper explores the financial implications of converting to organic farming in Great Britain through a case study of farmers considering conversion in 2002. Most study farmers were motivated to convert for financial, not ideological or life-style reasons; organic meat production was the most common planned enterprise, although those choosing to produce milk, vegetables and cereals were also studied in depth. At the time of study, organic beef and sheep meat production was particularly profitable. It was found that, in these product sectors, a large improvement in Family Farm Income would result if organic production was introduced on the case study farms. With few exceptions, a fall in Family Farm Income during the conversion period would not be an obstacle to farmers changing to organic methods. Fixed cost changes would also not deter conversion but expensive investment in new livestock and appropriate buildings would be required by some of those businesses studied. These findings are, however, dependent upon the price premia assumptions used and, whilst these premia have dropped slightly since the time of study, this would lessen the financial shortfall during the conversion period. There is also the possibility that reversion to conventional agricultural production might occur, perhaps at a faster rate than the original conversion process that was taking place around the turn of the century.

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This paper analyses the factors affecting off-farm labour decisions of Italian farm operators. Using micro-level data from the Farm Business Survey (REA) over the pre- and post-2003 CAP reform periods, we investigated the impact that operator, family, farm and market characteristics exert on these choices. Among other things, the paper focuses also on the differential impact of those variables for operators of smaller and larger holdings. The main results suggest that operator and family characteristics have a significant impact on the decision to participate in off-farm work more for smaller than for bigger farms. By contrast, farm characteristics are more relevant variables for bigger farms. In particular, decoupled farm payments, by increasing the marginal productivity of farm labour, lower the probability of working off the farm only in bigger farms, while coupled subsidies in pre-reform years do not have a significant impact on labour decisions. Finally, we show that, after accounting for the standard covariates, local and territorial labour market characteristics generally have a low effect on off-farm work operators’ choices.