`When I'm sixty-four': old age, family values, and private financial transfers

Private financial transfers are becoming more and more important as ageing levels increase in Europe, with elders acting as both givers and receivers. Our study is divided in two main parts. In the first part we analyse the determinants of private financial transfers, using the Survey of Health, Ageing, and Retirement in Europe (SHARE). In the second part we analyse the importance of family values for these transfers, combining SHARE with European Values Study. We show that family functions as the main agent of private transfers. We conclude that family values drive financial transfers, mainly gifts provided by elderly individuals. We find that receipts by old-aged people are more related with need cases, such as illness and poorness; moreover, for these particular cases, family network plays a very important role, working as a safety net.

Family values for democratic living : a home economics course designed for high school seniors by the University of the State of New York, the State Education Department, Bureau of Home Economics, Albany.

Mode of access: Internet.

Predictive ability of Genomic Estimated Family Values (GEFV).

Genomic selection (GS) has been used to compute genomic estimated breeding values (GEBV) of individuals; however, it has only been applied to animal and major plant crops due to high costs. Besides, breeding and selection is performed at the family level in some crops. We aimed to study the implementation of genome-wide family selection (GWFS) in two loblolly pine (Pinus taeda L.) populations: i) the breeding population CCLONES composed of 63 families (5-20 individuals per family), phenotyped for four traits (stem diameter, stem rust susceptibility, tree stiffness and lignin content) and genotyped using an Illumina Infinium assay with 4740 polymorphic SNPs, and ii) a simulated population that reproduced the same pedigree as CCLONES, 5000 polymorphic loci and two traits (oligogenic and polygenic). In both populations, phenotypic and genotypic data was pooled at the family level in silico. Phenotypes were averaged across replicates for all the individuals and allele frequency was computed for each SNP. Marker effects were estimated at the individual (GEBV) and family (GEFV) levels with Bayes-B using the package BGLR in R and models were validated using 10-fold cross validations. Predicted ability, computed by correlating phenotypes with GEBV and GEFV, was always higher for GEFV in both populations, even after standardizing GEFV predictions to be comparable to GEBV. Results revealed great potential for using GWFS in breeding programs that select families, such as most outbreeding forage species. A significant drop in genotyping costs as one sample per family is needed would allow the application of GWFS in minor crops.

Development of Values after Compulsory School: Work comes first, then family

During school-to-work transition, adolescents develop values and prioritize what is im-portant in their life. Values are concepts or beliefs about desirable states or behaviors that guide the selection or evaluation of behavior and events, and are ordered by their relative importance (Schwartz & Bilsky, 1987). Stressing the important role of values, career re-search has intensively studied the effect of values on educational decisions and early career development (e.g. Eccles, 2005; Hirschi, 2010; Rimann, Udris, & Weiss, 2000). Few re-searchers, however, have investigated so far how values develop in the early career phase and how value trajectories are influenced by individual characteristics. Values can be oriented towards specific life domains, such as work or family. Work values include intrinsic and extrinsic aspects of work (e.g., self-development, cooperation with others, income) (George & Jones, 1997). Family values include the importance of partner-ship, the creation of an own family and having children (Mayer, Kuramschew, & Trommsdroff, 2009). Research indicates that work values change considerably during early career development (Johnson, 2001; Lindsay & Knox, 1984). Individual differences in work values and value trajectories are found e.g., in relation to gender (Duffy & Sedlacek, 2007), parental background (Loughlin & Barling, 2001), personality (Lowry et al., 2012), educa-tion (Battle, 2003), and the anticipated timing of school-to-work transition (Porfeli, 2007). In contrast to work values, research on family value trajectories is rare and knowledge about the development during the school-to-work transition and early career development is lack-ing. This paper aims at filling this research gap. Focusing on family values and intrinsic work values and we expect a) family and work val-ues to change between ages 16 and 25, and b) that initial levels of family and work values as well as value change to be predicted by gender, reading literacy, ambition, and expected du-ration of education. Method. Using data from 2620 young adults (59.5% females), who participated in the Swiss longitudinal study TREE, latent growth modeling was employed to estimate the initial level and growth rate per year for work and family values. Analyses are based on TREE-waves 1 (year 2001, first year after compulsory school) to 8 (year 2010). Variables in the models included family values and intrinsic work values, gender, reading literacy, ambition and ex-pected duration of education. Language region was included as control variable. Results. Family values did not change significantly over the first four years after leaving compulsory school (mean slope = -.03, p =.36). They increased, however, significantly five years after compulsory school (mean slope = .13, p >.001). Intercept (.23, p < .001), first slope (.02, p < .001), and second slope (.01, p < .001) showed significant variance. Initial levels were higher for men and those with higher ambitions. Increases were found to be steeper for males as well as for participants with lower educational duration expectations and reading skills. Intrinsic work values increased over the first four years (mean slope =.03, p <.05) and showed a tendency to decrease in the years five to ten (mean slope = -.01, p < .10). Intercept (.21, p < .001), first slope (.01, p < .001), and second slope (.01, p < .001) showed signifi-cant variance, meaning that there are individual differences in initial levels and growth rates. Initial levels were higher for females, and those with higher ambitions, expecting longer educational pathways, and having lower reading skills. Growth rates were lower for the first phase and steeper for the second phase for males compared to females. Discussion. In general, results showed different patterns of work and family value trajecto-ries, and different individual factors related to initial levels and development after compul-sory school. Developments seem to fit to major life and career roles: in the first years after compulsory school young adults may be engaged to become established in one's job; later on, raising a family becomes more important. That we found significant gender differences in work and family trajectories may reflect attempts to overcome traditional roles, as over-all, women increase in work values and men increase in family values, resulting in an over-all trend to converge.

Family-related values and future orientation in adolescence: A German-Russian comparison

This article compares family values and family future orientation between German and Russian adolescents. Based on different cultural values in Germany and Russia a higher family orientation of Russian as compared to German adolescents was assumed. Adolescents from both countries responded to a questionnaire of general and family-related values and family-related future orientation in the framework of the VOC-study. Results showed that for both German and Russian adolescents a future family of one's own is of high importance. The majority of adolescents from both countries (and both genders) reported wanting to get married in the future and to have (preferably two) children. Russian as compared to German adolescents reported a higher importance of traditional family values and child-related values (value of children), as well as a stronger desire to have children. Russian girls were most likely to abandon own career plans for the benefit of a future family. The results are discussed with regard to psychological models of cultural values' and the notion of a regaining strength of traditional family values in the course of social change in Germany and Russia.

Shaping the values of the next generation: Value transmission processes within the family

Abstract: Research on human values within the family focuses on value congruence between the family members (Knafo & Schwartz, 2004), based on the assumption that transmission of values is part of a child’s socialization process. Within the family, values are not only implicitly transmitted through this process but also explicitly conveyed through the educational goals of parents (Grusec et al., 2000; Knafo & Schwartz, 2003; 2004, 2009). However, there is a lack of empirical evidence on the role of family characteristics in the value transmission process, especially for families with young children. Thus, the study presented had multiple aims: Firstly, it analyzed the congruency between mothers’ and fathers’ values and their value-based educational goals. Secondly, it examined the influence of mothers’ and fathers’ socio-demographic characteristics on their educational goals. Thirdly, it analyzed the differences in parental educational goals in families with daughters and families with sons. Finally, it examined the congruency between children’s values and the value-based educational goals of their parents. The value transmission process within families with young children was analyzed using data from complete families (child, mother and father) in Switzerland (N = 265). The survey of children consisted of 139 boys and 126 girls aged between 7 and 9 years. Parents’ values and parental educational goals were assessed using the Portrait Value Questionnaire (PVQ-21) (Schwartz, 2005). Children’s’ values were assessed using the Picture-Based Value Survey for Children (PBVS-C) (Döring et al., 2010). Regarding the role of the family context in the process of shaping children’s values, the results of the study show that, on average, parents are similar not only with respect to their value profiles but also with regard to their notion as to which values they would like to transmit to their children. Our findings also suggest that children’s values at an early age are shaped more strongly by mothers’ values than by fathers’ values. Moreover, our results show differences in value transmission with respect to the child’s gender. In particular, they suggest that value transmission within the family has a greater influence on female than on male offspring.

Youth with intellectual disabilities and the right to make choices : investigating the family context to inform a training program

People with intellectual disabilities (ID) are more likely to be victims of abuse and human rights violations than people without ID. The 3Rs: Rights, Respect, and Responsibility project has developed and is testing a human rights training program for adults with ID. The current project was conducted to make recommendations to adapt the 3Rs rights training program to be used with youth with ID and their families. An interpretive phenomenological framework was employed to investigate youth with ID, parents', and siblings' perceptions of the i r experiences with choice making, an enactment of rights, in the family context. Thematic analysis of interviews revealed that, consistent with previous research, family members consider family values, conventions, and family members' well being when making decisions. A training program should promote a consideration of expanded opportunities for youth with ID to make choices and should be flexible to address individual families' cultures, needs, and desires.

The Family Novel in the Emerging Nation-State: A Comparative Study of Ba Jin’s Jia and Lev Tolstoy’s Anna Karenina

The theme of family in literature and in popular discourse occurs at times when the family as an institution is under attack. Attacks against the family coupled with defence of the family are viewed as the barometer of people’s satisfaction with the society in which they live. This outpouring of emotion, whether it is in defence of or attacking the family, is the result of the family’s position on the bridge between nature and society – a fortunate (or a detrimental) link between an individual and the units that make up a society. Across the United States and much of the western world, the battle for gay marriage and inclusive civil unions has revealed the fissures in our collective moral view of the family. The conservative concern about the absence of ‘family values’ is magnified by our situation in a world of flux. Inflation, war, terrorist threats, and the depletion of natural resources are but a few examples. When so much is unknown, how do we position ourselves? What anchors us to the past, gives us comfort in the present, and supports us in the future if not the family? Alternatively, what coddles us more in the past, shackles us more to the present, and lulls us more into a fixed conception of the future than the family? My research is not a sociological survey into the family nor does it stake any claims to understanding the present state of the family in society. The study seeks, however, to shed light on the rhetorical uses of the family by analysing two novels that are inextricably concerned with the theory of the family in times of heightened social change. In particular, my research focuses upon the social role and political meaning of the family in Anna Karenina and Jia.

Levine Family Reunion Members, interviewed by Wendy Miller in September 2009: Transcript

The Levine family held an extensive reunion during the Summer of 2009 during which 29 DVDs of raw material were recorded for use in the creation of a Levine family mini-documentary. Many of these DVDs contain oral history interviews conducted by Wendy Miller, one of the organizers of the reunion. Although these interviews were not designed for historical research, they contain valuable historical information. Some of the family members interviewed include: Ben Arnon (4/5), Marjorie, Stephen, and Michael Kaplan (8), Glenyce Miller Kaplan (starts in 15, continues in 9; separate interview in 13), Burt, Phyllis, and Louis Shiro (9) [Burt Shiro also in 26/27], Myrt and Gordon Wolman (9), Ted and Billy Alfond (10), Barbara and Joan Alfond (10), Susan and Peter Alfond (10), Alice Emory [caregiver for Bibby] (11), Eric Bloom and Stu Cushner (11), Saralee Kaplan Bloom (11), Sarah Miller Arnon (12), Kayla and Jenna Cushner (12), Josh Soros and Eliana Miller-Kaplan (12), Sarah, Wendy, and Julie Miller (starts in 12, continues in 14), Bill Shutzer (13), Maschia and Glicka Kaplan, Sharon Kushner, Dan Hood (13), Gene, Alex, Kate Cohen (14), Ben, Jeremy, Joselyn Arnon (14), Wendy and Julie Miller at the store (15), and Eric Bloom (15).

Cross-cultural perspectives on adolescents’ religiosity and family orientation

This chapter explores cultural and individual religious roots of adolescents' family orientation on the basis of multilevel analyses with data from 17 cultural groups. Religion and the family are seen as intertwined social institutions. The family as a source of social support has been identified as an important mediator of the effects of religiosity on adolescent developmental outcomes. The results of the current study show that religiosity was related to different aspects of adolescents' family orientation (traditional family values. value of children, and family future orientation), and that the culture-level effects of religiosity on family orientation were stronger than the individual-level effects. At the cultural level, socioeconomic development added to the effect of religiosity, indicating that societal affluence combined with nonreligious secular orientations is linked to a lower family orientation, especially with regard to traditional family values. The authors suggest that individual religiosity may be of special importance for adolescents' family orientation in contexts where religiosity has lost some significance but religious traditions are still alive and can be (re-)connected to.