995 resultados para Failed state
Resumo:
Die Ursachen für die Piraterie am Horn von Afrika seien an Land zu suchen, konstatieren Vertreter aus Politik, der medialen Öffentlichkeit und den Sozialwissenschaften einhellig, wo mit Somalia der zerfallene Staat par excellence liegt. Anlässlich des gegenwärtigen Konflikts setzt sich das Papier kritisch mit dem allgegenwärtigen Konzept des Staatszerfalls auseinander. Ausgehend von der Feststellung, dass empirische Befunde die somalische Piraterie betreffend Grundannahmen der gängigen Zerfallsdiagnose und der daraus resultierenden Problemlösungsstrategien in Frage stellen, wird am Fall Somalia die Erkenntnisreichweite des Staatszerfallskonzepts an sich ausgelotet. Hierzu wird zunächst eine Bestandsaufnahme der theoretischen und methodischen Grundannahmen der Staatszerfallsforschung vollzogen und auf Operationalisierungspropleme des Forschungsstrangs hingewiesen. Das Papier kommt zu dem Ergebnis, dass der Forschungsstrang erstens zu einem einseitigen Fokus auf gesellschaftsinterne Faktoren bei der Ursachenergründung von Zerfallsprozessen neigt; zweitens tendiert die Staatszerfallsforschung zu einem reduktionistischen Akteursverständnis und sie verzichtet auf eine Analyse historisch-konkreter Herrschaftsverhältnisse und drittens verfährt sie nach einem ‘single-catch-all’-Prinzip, was eine Tendenz zur Homogenisierung unterschiedlicher empirischer Erscheinungen zur Folge hat. Diese analytischen Engführungen und Vagheiten sind dem normativen und ungeprüften Transfer des modernen Staatsbegriffs in den globalen Süden geschuldet, ebenso wie dem eurozentristischen Prozessverständnis, was den theoretischen Implikationen des Staatszerfallskonzepts zugrunde liegt. Das Konzept bietet gleichzeitig eine äußerst flexible Legitimationsfolie für interessengeleitete Außenpolitiken bishin zu Militärinterventionen.
Resumo:
Guatemala is not a failed state and is unlikely to become one in the near future. Although the state currently fails to provide adequate security to its citizens or an appropriate range of effective social programs, it does supply a functioning electoral democracy, sound economic management, and a promising new antipoverty program, My Family Progresses (MIFAPRO). Guatemala is a weak state. The principal security threats represented by expanding Mexican drug trafficking organizations (DTOs), criminal parallel powers, and urban gangs have overwhelmed the resources of the under-resourced and compromised criminal justice system. The UN-sponsored International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), however, has demonstrated that progress against organized crime is possible. The principal obstacles to strengthening the Guatemalan state lie in the traditional economic elite’s resistance to taxation and the venal political class’ narrow focus on short-term interests. Guatemala lacks a strong, policyoriented, mass-based political party that could develop a coherent national reform program and mobilize public support around it. The United States should strengthen the Guatemalan state by expanding the Central America Regional Security Initiative (CARSI) and by strongly supporting CICIG, MIFAPRO, and the Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE).
Resumo:
Dicho trabajo pretende evaluar la pertinencia del Indice de Estados Fallidos de la Organización Fondo por la Paz y la Revista Foreign Policy, bajo dos aspectos, por un lado el sutento teórico sobre el concepto de Estado de Robert Rotberg, Charles Tilly y Michael Mann, y por otro lado observar la pertinencia metodológica usando como ejemplo el caso colombiano en el periodo 2002-2010.
Resumo:
La presente monografía pretende realizar un análisis de la perpetuación del conflicto interno en Sudán bajo la categoría de Estado fallido, además de preguntarse acerca de los elementos ligados a éste fenómeno tras el acuerdo global de paz firmado en 2005. Para tal propósito se considerarán aspectos como la historia, la cual no sólo representa una explicación del pasado sino que también constituye una guía para los procesos actuales. Más aún, intentará poner en relieve el contexto bajo el cual fue suscrito tal acuerdo, los puntos fallidos y la posibilidad de asegurar que éste no fue exitoso. Asimismo es importante mencionar que ésta monografía no busca asociar directamente éste Estado con el paradigma moderno de Estado fallido, el cual normalmente involucra el estudio del terrorismo. Esta sólo usa ciertas categorías conocidas de la susodicha teoría a fin de explicar el funcionamiento del conflicto armado y de ésta manera obtener una explicación, en la medida de lo posible, acerca del porqué los acuerdos suscritos para dar término al conflicto no han rendido los frutos esperados.
Resumo:
Esta Monografía se centra en mostrar cómo el intento por conservar la identidad colectiva de la Liga de los Estados Árabes impide ceder ante el deseo de Somalilandia de ser reconocida como Estado independiente.
Resumo:
Esta disertación académica pretende presentar los principales enfoques en torno al término del Estado fallido. En particular, busca defender que no se dispone de un arsenal teórico y práctico para afirmar que un Estado es fallido, puesto que los desacuerdos entre los autores clásicos y modernos persisten, por ende el Índice organizado por el Fondo para la Paz no es transparente ni confiable.
Resumo:
La presente Monografía pretende describir los diferentes sucesos que se dieron al interior de la zona de distensión del Caguán, durante el gobierno de Andrés Pastrana (1998-2002). Cabe mencionar, que ésta era la primera vez en la cual se despejaba una parte del territorio nacional, para que un grupo al margen de la ley se acentuara allí. A raíz de esto, se establecerá porque la zona de distensión puede considerarse como un Estado al interior de Colombia si ésta nunca lo llegó a ser. Finalmente, se describirá la administración realizada por las FARC en dicha zona, teniendo como base el concepto de Estado fallido, y se determinará si la gestión llevada a cabo por los guerrilleros puede considerarse como fallida.
Resumo:
Este estudio de caso tiene como finalidad evidenciar los intereses políticos detrás de la mediación de Burkina Faso en el Conflicto de Costa de Marfil en el año 2007. En ese orden de ideas, este trabajo de grado analiza cómo la situación interna y externa de Burkina Faso, incidió en su decisión de mediar en el conflicto marfileño. Para lograr esto, en esta investigación se recurre a los conceptos de Interés Nacional y Poder Político propios de la Teoría del Realismo Político de Relaciones Internacionales, desarrollada por Hans Morgenthau, y al concepto de Seguridad del Régimen expuesto por John Clark. Además de las fuentes teóricas mencionadas anteriormente, se emplearon artículos y publicaciones de diversa índole sobre el fenómeno a estudiar.
Resumo:
Em África, o fracasso do processo de (re)construção do Estado e a debilidade dos mecanismos institucionais de integração nacional levaram muito cedo as comunidades subnacionais como locais a desafiar as soberanias autoritárias instituídas pelos «new comers». A década de noventa gerou a mudança daquele registo, com destaque para África Central. A República Democrática do Congo (ex-Zaire) colocada no ranking dos «failed states», serve hoje de laboratório experimental do sonho democrático qua as províncias congolesas sempre buscaram para afirmar a sua autonomia face ao poder central.
Resumo:
Uma democracia consolidada pressupõe um estado capaz, e para ambos é necessária uma nação forte e uma sociedade civil ativa. Diversas democracias na América Latina não alcançaram tais requisitos porque não completaram suas respectivas revoluções capitalistas, e o excedente econômico continua dependendo do controle direto do estado. Este fato demonstra que a qualidade das democracias varia de país para país, e prevê que as democracias possíveis nos países mais pobres serão necessariamente democracias limitadas. Desde que a democracia tornou-se uma justificativa para pressões e intervenções externas, é um erro incluir no conceito de democracia mais do que as necessidades mínimas, práticas. Por outro lado, para melhorar a democracia é necessário aumentar a capacidade do estado não apenas para assegurar o respeito às leis, mas também para promover o desenvolvimento econômico e social.
Resumo:
Il presente progetto di ricerca riguarda la terza trilogia di romanzi di Nuruddin Farah, “Past Imperfect” (2004-2011). L’analisi dei tre testi che compongono la trilogia – “Links” (2004), “Knots” (2007) e “Crossbones” (2011) – evidenzia la persistente rilevanza delle narrazioni e delle rappresentazioni della famiglia all’interno di tutta la produzione letteraria dell’autore. Questa prospettiva critica richiede l’impiego di una metodologia che riunisce vari aspetti della critica letteraria di matrice post-strutturalista e, per altri versi, di stampo materialista, assecondando così le due principali tendenze critiche presenti all’interno degli studi postcoloniali. Lo stesso approccio teorico-metodologico può essere applicato anche in altri due ambiti critici chiamati in causa dalla trilogia di Nuruddin Farah: la cosiddetta “world literature” e la cosiddetta “failed-state fiction”. L’analisi delle narrazioni e delle rappresentazioni della famiglia richiede, inoltre, un approccio interdisciplinare molto esteso, stimolando ricerche negli ambiti della semiotica, dell’antropologia, della psicanalisi, dei Gender Studies e dei Trauma Studies.
Resumo:
The state still matters. However, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community may be misinterpreting this crucial baseline prior launching their military interventions since 2001. The latest violence and collapse of the state of Iraq after the invasion of Northern Iraq by a radical Sunni Muslim terrorist group, so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), demonstrate once again the centrality and requirement of a functioning state in order to maintain violent forces to disrupt domestic and regional stability. Since 2001, the US and its European allies have waged wars against failed-states in order to increase this security and national interests, and then have been involved in some type of state-building.1 This has been the case in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali, and Central African Republic (CAR). France went into Mali (2012) and CAR (2013), which preceded two European Union military and civilian Common Security and Defense Policy missions (CSDP), in order to avoid the collapse of these two states. The threat of the collapse of both states was a concern for the members of the Euro-Atlantic community as it could have spread to the region and causing even greater instabilities. In Mali, the country was under radical Islamic pressures coming from the North after the collapse of Libya ensuing the 2011 Western intervention, while in CAR it was mainly an ethno-religious crisis. Failed states are a real concern, as they can rapidly become training grounds for radical groups and permitting all types of smuggling and trafficking.2 In Mali, France wanted to protect its large French population and avoid the fall of Mali in the hands of radical Islamic groups directly or indirectly linked to Al-Qaeda. A fallen Mali could have destabilized the region of the Sahel and ultimately affected the stability of Southern European borders. France wanted to avoid the development of a safe haven across the Sahel where movements of people and goods are uncontrolled and illegal.3 Since the end of the Cold War, Western powers have been involved in stabilizing neighborhoods and regions, like the Balkans, Africa, and Middle East, which at the exceptions of the Balkans, have led to failed policies. 9/11 changes everything. The US, under President George W. Bush, started to wage war against terrorism and all states link to it. This started a period of continuous Western interventions in this post-9/11 era in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and CAR. If history has demonstrated one thing, the members of the Euro-Atlantic community are struggling and will continue to struggle to stabilize Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya, Mali and Central African Republic (CAR) for one simple reason: no clear endgame. Is it the creation of a state à la Westphalian in order to permit these states to operate as the sole guarantor of security? Or is the reestablishment of status quo in these countries permitting to exit and end Western operations? This article seeks to analyze Western interventions in these five countries in order to reflect on the concept of the state and the erroneous starting point for each intervention.4 In the first part, the political status of each country is analyzed in order to understand the internal and regional crisis. In a second time, the concept of the state, framed into the Buzanian trinity, is discussed and applied to the cases. In the last part the European and American civilian-military doctrines are examined in accordance with their latest military interventions and in their broader spectrum.
Resumo:
A serosurvey was conducted in wild animals captured close to two areas where hantavirus cardiopulmonary syndrome (HCPS) occurred in São Paulo State, Brazil. Serum samples from a total of 43 mammals were tested for antibodies reactive with Sin Nombre (SN) hantavirus using a strip immunoblot assay. RNAs from the blood clots of the positive samples were submitted to reverse transcriptase-polymerase chain reaction (RT-PCR). Two rodents of the genus Oligoryzomys were positive for hantavirus antibodies. These animals were captured in the Iguape region and represented 16.7% (2/12) of the sera from rodents and 100.0% (2/2) of the Oligoryzomys captured in that area. RT-PCR failed to amplify any viral cDNA. These results are in agreement with other data that suggest that members of this genus are important reservoirs of hantaviruses in Brazil.
Resumo:
Visceral leishmaniasis (VL) has been known to occur in the state of Piauí since 1934. The typically rural disease began to appear in urban areas over time, being concentrated mainly in Teresina, the capital of Piauí. Teresina was also affected by the first urban epidemic of VL in Brazil. Over 1,000 cases of the disease were reported during urbanization (1981-1986). Human population growth and migration led to land occupation on the outskirts of Teresina. These factors have contributed to vector proliferation, increasing the incidence of VL. At present, the incidence of human and canine disease is quite high and uncontrolled in Piauí. It seems that some measures, such as the elimination of seropositive dogs, failed to significantly reduce the number of new VL cases in Teresina. Despite previously conducted studies, little is known about VL epidemiology in urban areas. The aim of this review is to reveal the situation of VL in Teresina during the last 40 years, focusing on the major factors that may contribute to the high incidence and persistence of VL infection.
Resumo:
The principal vector of malaria in eastern Venezuela, Anopheles aquasalis, is exophagic and exophilic. Control using indoor insecticide house sprays has failed to lower the number of malaria cases. Therefore, studies were initiated in two villages of the eastern coastal state of Sucre to better understand this vector's biology and develop a more integrated control program. An. aquasalis was found to have a crepuscular biting behavior with a major peak at dusk and a minor peak at dawn. Mosquitos were collected more outdoors than indoors. Forty-seven percent of the biting took place before people went to bed (22:30 hr) and 69% of the mosquitos biting during this time period bite outdoors. Outdoor biting could be the reason why indoor spraying alone did not lower malaria cases. Seasonal abundance was greater in the rainy season compared to the dry season. Seasonal parous rates were high (78.3%-100%) and similar indoors and outdoors and between dry and wet season in Santa F e. In Guayana, the seasonal parity was lower (34.6%-42.2%) than Santa F e with indoor parity slightly higher than outdoors. Malaria cases were higher in Santa F e, but adult mosquito density was much lower than in Guayana. This difference could have been due to higher parity in Santa F e compared to Guayana. The greater distance to the nearest breeding site and presence of alternative hosts in Guayana can not be discounted as factors which contributed to the difference in malaria transmission between locations. We concluded that knowledge on seasonal occurrence, biting activity, resting behavior and breeding site location can be used to design a new control strategy for this vector.