921 resultados para Extreme left


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While there are currently very few lone actor terrorists among modern anarchists and within the contemporary extreme left, the present lack of extreme left wing lone actor terrorists does not signify a lack of interest in violent solutions within this particular milieu. As the author will show, twenty-flrst century anarchism has considerable potential for lone actor terrorism. It would be imprudent to conclude that this once important ideological source of lone actor terrorism will not reappear again.

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Between 1978 and 1990 five newspapers close to Jean-Marie Le Pen's Front National had the choice of defining their stand on so-called révisionnisme which in its extreme form denied the existence of the Shoah, considering it to be the fabrication of a Jewish conspiracy. Within révisionnisme, a négationniste discourse affirmed that the gas chambers never existed, while a relativiste discourse denied that the Shoah was an act of genocide. However, most of the extreme-right newspapers did not adopt the cause of révisionnisme, even if they sometimes evinced an indulgence towards it. Only the weekly Rivarol and the militant François Brigneau who worked for Minute, Présent and National Hebdo and wrote the most on the subject openly espoused révisionnisme. The reasons for their stance included neo-fascist views, belief in a Jewish conspiracy. Their stance was in keeping with ideas commonly expressed in French neo-fascist circles that made for a révisionnisme of exculpation. On the other hand, the French Catholic intégriste milieu close to the Front National, which is represented by the newspapers Présent and Aspects de la France, was not generally révisionniste, notwithstanding the occasionnal expressions of relativisme by persons in the schismatic lefebvriste movement or close to Présent. This rejection of révisionnisme by Catholics on the extreme right was conditioned by various factors: the nature of Maurras's nationalisme intégral and anti-Semitism transmitted by I' Action française; the Catholic Church's modified position on the Jews; and the (offensive) atheism of the upholders of révisionnisme. This same révisionnisme extended beyond latter-day Nazi sympathisers. In its French version, it served to unite elements of the extreme right and the extreme left, as witness the role played by La Vieille Taupe, the extreme left group which was (and is) the leading publisher in France of tracts favouring révisionnisme.

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While language use has been argued to reflect gender asymmetry, increasing parity has been evidenced in official settings (Holmes, 2000; Dister and Moreau, 2006). Our hypothesis is that the French national press has developed a norm of equal linguistic treatment of men and women. In a corpus of articles from Libération, Le Monde, and Le Figaro, we examine the treatment of Arlette Laguiller, the female leader of the French extreme-left 'Worker's Struggle' Party (Lutte Ouvrière), during the run-up to the 2007 presidential elections. How Laguiller is referred to and described in comparison with her male counterparts evidences no asymmetry. Breaches to parity are only found in the right-wing Figaro newspaper. The ideological distance between the newspaper and the candidate suggests that power struggles are a primary source of asymmetrical treatments. The discursive functions of such treatments can be understood through an investigation based on a portable corpus linguistics methodology for the measure of discrimination. © 2011 Elsevier B.V.

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Cell-free translation of total RNA isolated from vaccinia virus-infected cells late in infection results in a complex mixture of polypeptides. A monospecific antibody directed against one of the major structural proteins of the virus particle immunoprecipitated a single polypeptide with a molecular weight of 11,000 (11K) from this mixture. Immunoprecipitation was therefore used to identify the structural polypeptide among the in vitro translation products of RNA purified by hybridization selection to restriction fragments of the vaccinia virus genome. This allowed us to map the mRNA coding for the 11K polypeptide to the extreme left-hand end of the HindIII E fragment. Detailed transcriptional mapping of this region of the genome by nuclease S1 analysis revealed the presence of a late RNA transcribed from the rightward-reading strand. Its 5' end mapped at ca. 130 base pairs to the left of the HindIII site at the junction between the HindIII F and E fragments. The map position of this RNA coincided precisely with the map position of the late message coding for the 11K polypeptide.

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Black and white photograph, 13 cm x 20 cm, which appears to have been cut from a scrapbook. This is a photo of lawn bowling in St. Catharines in about 1900. The man on the extreme left is Hamilton Killaly Woodruff. The picture is described on the back by R.W. Band of Toronto.

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The description of the image is "(6) Majestically Grand - the Falls from the 'Maid of the Mist,' Niagara, U.S.A.". The reverse of the image reads "You are on the deck of the small but sturdy little steamer that runs along near the foot of the falls. At this moment you are pretty nearly mid-stream, looking south. The American shore are up over your left shoulder. That tall, dark cliff at the extreme left of what you see is Goat Island. The people up there outlined against the sky look like dolls and no wonder; they are more than 160 feet above your head. Some of them are looking off over the unspeakable grandeurs of the Horseshoe Fall there at the right; some are without doubt looking down at the very boat and remarking that the passengers look like dolls. It is an awesome experience to go so near that never-ceasing downpour of waters from the sky. The air is full of the roar and iridescent spray, and it seems as if the boat must be drawn in under the overwhelming floods never to rise again. Yet, curiously enough, the river right around the boat is not so madly excited as you might expect. It seems more like some great creature, dazed, bewildered, stunned by some incredible experience and not yet quite aware of what has happened. (When it gets down into the Whirlpool Rapids, two miles below here, it is dramatically alive to its situation!) The gigantic curve of the cliffs, reaching in up-stream straight ahead, makes a contour line of over 3000 feet before it comes up against the Canadian banks on the west (right). Geologists say that the Falls ages ago must have been at least seven miles farther down the river (behind you) and have gradually won their way back. Even now the curve of the Horseshoe is worn away from two to four feet in a year. No wonder; 12, 000, 000 cubic feet of water (about 375, 000 tons) sweep over the rocks in one minute, and the same the next minute and the next and the next. See Niagara through the Stereoscope, with special maps locating all the landmarks about the Falls.

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The description of the image reads "(4)-8972-General view of Falls from new steel bridge - Maid of the Mist at landing - Niagara, U.S.A." The reverse of the image includes the description, "We are standing on the new steel bridge over Niagara River, 190 feet above the water and looking a little west of south, up the river towards Lake Erie. The high cliff at the extreme left, on the American side, is Prospect Point, where a crowd is gathered at this moment to view the Falls that we see just beyond Prospect Point. That dark, tree-covered mass of rock beyond is Goat Island; and just this side of Goat Island we see a bit of its precipice has been cut off separate from the rest by the powerful current of the waters - the smaller portion is Luna Island, and the Luna Falls go pouring down between the two islands. The face of the precipice curves inward beneath the Luna Falls leaving behind the 160 foot sheet of water the unearthly hollow known as the Cave of the Winds. Beyond Goat Island we see the gigantic curve of the Horseshoe Falls, 3,010 feet long and 158 feet high, reaching around through the clouds of spray to the farther Canadian shore. (The boundary line between British and American territory is in mid-stream.) It has been estimated that every minute 375,000 tons of water pour over these Horseshoe Falls, and they are wearing away the cliffs, moving back up the stream at the rate of 2.4 feet per year. It was probably only about a thousand years ago that they took their plunge just about where we stand now. Down there below us, at the wharf is the Maid of the Mist at the American landing taking on passengers who have come down the steep bank by the inclined railway. Its course takes it through those clouds of spray almost to the very foot of both Falls, - waters falling from 167 feet overhead, and water surging at least as many feet deep under the staunch little vessel. See special 'keyed' maps of Niagara pub. by Underwood and Underwood, also the Niagara Book by Mark Twain, W.D. Howells and others."

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La philosophie politique contemporaine est chargée d’une histoire qu’il reste encore à déblayer, tant la « guerre civile européenne » du siècle dernier a forcé son autodafé. Dans ce mémoire, nous prenons Georges Sorel, figure de proue du syndicalisme révolutionnaire des années 1900, comme figure archétypique de ce qui demeure en reste de cette histoire. Archétype non seulement de la manière dont des théoriciens de premier plan peuvent tomber, par la force de l’histoire, dans l’oubli le plus absolu, mais aussi archétype de ces forces mêmes, alors que Sorel est considéré par l’histoire intellectuelle comme le penseur ayant dressé le pont entre l’extrême-gauche et l’extrême-droite. Ce mémoire ne s’affaire pas directement à lui attribuer la « paternité du fascisme » ni à l’en disculper. Il s’agit bien plutôt de procéder à une déconstruction de ses principales idées à partir d’un angle essentiellement philosophique, procédé connaissant peu d’antécédents. Plus précisément, notre travail consiste à en dégager une définition de l’éthique, alors que le geste théorique principal de Sorel apparaît bien être une réduction du politique à l’éthique. Pour ce faire, nous mobilisons la philosophie contemporaine, notamment Gilles Deleuze et Giorgio Agamben, en raison de la forte affinité théorique qu’ils ont avec Sorel, particulièrement dans la définition de l’éthique.

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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La ricerca affronta il rapporto tra il Partito comunista italiano e le organizzazioni della sinistra extraparlamentare nate nel biennio 1968-1969. Sulla base di documentazione d’archivio e fonti a stampa, vengono ricostruite ed analizzate le relazioni tra questi due soggetti nel periodo compreso tra la fine degli anni Sessanta e la metà del decennio successivo, quando i principali gruppi politici della sinistra extraparlamentare si dotarono di una struttura organizzativa più stabile che segnava una discontinuità con l’esperienza precedente. Nel corso della prima metà degli anni Settanta, i rapporti tra il PCI e queste organizzazioni furono complessi e talvolta contraddittori. Il conflitto si consumò prevalentemente sulla reciproca pretesa di possedere l’esclusiva rappresentanza politica del fermento sociale che attraversava il paese in quegli anni: il PCI rappresentando se stesso come l’unica forza politica capace di mediare tra movimenti sociali e istituzioni; i gruppi della sinistra parlamentare come «avanguardie» di un irrealizzabile progetto «rivoluzionario».

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The increase in the number of anti-Semitic acts since the start of the Second Intifada has sparked off a broad debate on the return of anti-Semitism in France. This article focuses on the question whether this anti-Semitism is still based on the alleged superiority of the Aryan race as in the time of Nazism, or if it represents the birth of a “new Judeophobia” that is more based on anti-Zionism and the polemical mixing of “Jews,” “Israelis,” and “Zionists.” One supposed effect of this transformation is that anti-Semitism is in the process of changing camps and migrating from the extreme right to the extreme left of the political arena, to the “altermondialistes,” the communists, and the “neo-Trotskyists.” The article provides answers to the following questions: Are anti-Jewish views on the increase in France today? Do these opinions correlate with negative opinions of other minorities, notably Maghrebians and Muslims? Do they tend to develop among voters and sympathizers with the extreme right or on the extreme left of the political spectrum? And how are they related to opinions concerning Zionism and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict? My evaluation of the transformations in French anti-Semitism relies on two types of data. The first is police and gendarmerie statistics published by the National Consultative Committee on Human Rights (CNCDH), which is charged with presenting the prime minister with an annual report on the struggle against racism and xenophobia in France. The other is data from surveys, notably surveys commissioned by CNCDH for its annual report and surveys conducted at the Center for Political Research (CEVIPOF) at Sciences Po (Paris Institute for Political Research). The data show that anti-Semitic opinions follow a different logic from acts, that the social, cultural, and political profile of anti-Semites remains very close to that of other types of racists, and that anti-Zionism and anti-Semitism do not overlap exactly.

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This dissertation presents the concept of Deliberative Transformative Moment and the instrument to identify it, in a further attempt to bridge the gap between deliberation theory and practice. A transformative moment in the deliberative process occurs when the level of deliberation is either lifted from low to high or drops from high to low. In order to identify such a moment, one has to look at the context and dynamics of the group discussion. This broadening of the unit of analysis is a big difference from other existing instruments to measure the level of deliberation, such as the Deliberative Quality Index –DQI, which focuses primarily on the individual speech acts. Consistent with the theoretical framework of consociational and deliberation approaches, the observed discussions took place among two deeply divided groups, Colombian ex-combatants from both the extreme left and the extreme right. Moving beyond a pure Habermasian perspective, this study finds that besides pure rational arguments, there are some contexts in which personal stories, jokes and self-interests, acting as justification of arguments, have either a positive or a negative impact on deliberative transformative moments. Although this research has a strongly qualitative orientation, reliability tests scored high, giving it strength as a reliable and valid research method that shedding some light on the sort of speech acts that enhance deliberation and those that detract from it.

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En el proceso de Transición a la democracia, las culturas políticas comunistas ocuparon una posición muy destacada, con diversos horizontes, desde la vía democrática al socialismo del PCE a las propuestas revolucionarias maoístas y trotskistas. Las mujeres que militaron en estos partidos, que también participaron en el movimiento feminista, reformularon las identidades de género de la izquierda con debates teóricos muy intensos y nuevas prácticas políticas y sociales. Aunque no alcanzaron sus objetivos políticos y feministas, ni un reconocimiento en las urnas, contribuyeron de forma decisiva a la consolidación de la democracia y la difusión de discursos y valores igualitarios en España.

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In May 2014, around one in four Europeans voted for protest parties and anti-establishment candidates in the first pan-European poll since the euro crisis began. The rise of populism across Europe has brought more extremism of various kinds into the European Parliament. It could change the balance of power between the institutions, and be detrimental to EU policies, legislation and funding that nurture open societies. This chapter will consider the impact of xenophobic populist parties, who have also become increasingly anti-EU, not considering here the extreme left Members of the European Parliament (MEPs) who entered the Parliament.