676 resultados para Ethnic attitudes


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A group of 406 Polish university students (210 women and 196 men) were asked to describe typical representatives of selected ethnic groups and their typical female and male members. The descriptions were based on a list of 24 traits and a list of 18 values, accompanied by scales for measuring trait-typicality and value-importance. The participants' level of confidence about the accuracy of the descriptions, their ethnic attitudes and their perception of the relative social status of men and women in ethnic groups were also measured. The results indicate an effect of masculinisation of ethnic images for both traits and values. Descriptions of typical representatives of ethnic groups resemble the images of typical men significantly more than those of typical women of these nationalities, even for the most modern nations. Differences registered between images of typical representatives of ethnic groups and their male and female members concerned primarily the traits and values basic to gender stereotypes. The images of women were significantly more favourable than those of men. The bias in ethnic perception towards the gender of the stereotype-holder was also indicated. Several differences were found between women's and men's perception of typical representatives of ethnic groups and especially of ethnic gender subgroups, without however the predicted effect of gender in-group favouritism. There was also a degree of ethnic in-group favouritism of Poles related to the gender both of participants and of the ethnic target groups.

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In the present study we are going to analyze the development of the ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation in relation to national groups (Portuguese as ingroup and Cape-Verdeans, Brazilian and Chinese as outgroups) in Portuguese children with ages between 6 and 10 years (60 participants with 6/7 years and 60 participants with 9/10 years). The first aim of this research was to examine whether the ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation changes according to the age groups. We started from the idea that the age groups would show ingroup preference. However in relation to negativity outgroup it was expected to be less evident. The second aim of this study was to examine if the ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation would be relatively independent, or if they would be related to each other, so that positive perceptions of national ingroup were associated with negative perceptions of national outgroups (in particular, Cape-Verde, Brazilian and Chinese). In a nut Shell, the results confirmed the hypotheses, and in both age groups, the children showed ingroup preference, the negativism of the outgroup was less obvious in the Brazilian group but not in the others (Cape-Verdeans and Chinese). Regarding the relation between the preference for the ingroup and the negativity of the outgroup we realized that these are relatively independent. As a result, we found that the ingroup favoritism is not related with outgroup derogation, it means that, positive perceptions of the ingroup are not related with negative perceptions of the outgroups.

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In the present study we are going to analyze the development of the ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation in relation to national groups (Portuguese as ingroup and Cape-Verdeans, Brazilian and Chinese as outgroups) in Portuguese children with ages between 6 and 10 years (60 participants with 6/7 years and 60 participants with 9/10 years). The first aim of this research was to examine whether the ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation changes according to the age groups. We started from the idea that the age groups would show ingroup preference. However in relation to negativity outgroup it was expected to be less evident. The second aim of this study was to examine if the ingroup favoritism and outgroup derogation would be relatively independent, or if they would be related to each other, so that positive perceptions of national ingroup were associated with negative perceptions of national outgroups (in particular, Cape-Verde, Brazilian and Chinese). In a nut Shell, the results confirmed the hypotheses, and in both age groups, the children showed ingroup preference, the negativism of the outgroup was less obvious in the Brazilian group but not in the others (Cape-Verdeans and Chinese). Regarding the relation between the preference for the ingroup and the negativity of the outgroup we realized that these are relatively independent. As a result, we found that the ingroup favoritism is not related with outgroup derogation, it means that, positive perceptions of the ingroup are not related with negative perceptions of the outgroups.

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No presente estudo vamos analisar o desenvolvimento do favoritismo endogrupal e do “derogation” (desvalorização) exogrupal em relação a grupos nacionais (portugueses como endogrupo e cabo-verdianos, brasileiros e chineses como exogrupos) em crianças portuguesas com idades compreendidas entre os 6 e os 10 anos (60 participantes com 6/7 anos e 60 participantes com 9/10 anos). O primeiro objectivo desta investigação consistiu em examinar se o favoritismo endogrupal e o “derogation” exogrupal variam em função de grupos etários. Partimos da ideia de que os grupos etários evidenciariam preferência endogrupal. Já em relação à negatividade exogrupal era esperado que fosse menos evidente. O segundo objectivo deste estudo foi examinar se o favoritismo endogrupal e o “derogation” exogrupal seriam relativamente independentes, ou se estariam reciprocamente relacionados, de modo que percepções positivas do endogrupo nacional estivessem associadas com percepções negativas dos exogrupos nacionais (em particular, cabo-verdianos, brasileiros e chineses). Os resultados confirmaram as hipóteses, assim em ambos os grupos etários as crianças evidenciaram preferência endogrupal, a negatividade do exogrupo, foi apenas menos evidente para o exogrupo brasileiros e não para os restantes (cabo-verdianos e chineses). Relativamente à relação entre a preferência pelo endogrupo e a negatividade do exogrupo verificou-se que estas são relativamente independentes. Assim verificou-se que o favoritismo endogrupal não está relacionado com a desvalorização exogrupal, ou seja, percepções positivas do endogrupo não estão relacionadas com percepções negativas dos exogrupos.

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Using data from the International Social Survey Programme, this research investigated asymmetric attitudes of ethnic minorities and majorities towards their country and explored the impact of human development, ethnic diversity, and social inequality as country-level moderators of national attitudes. In line with the general hypothesis of ethnic asymmetry, we found that ethnic, linguistic, and religious majorities were more identified with the nation and more strongly endorsed nationalist ideology than minorities (H1, 33 countries). Multilevel analyses revealed that this pattern of asymmetry was moderated by country-level characteristics: the difference between minorities and majorities was greatest in ethnically diverse countries and in egalitarian, low inequality contexts. We also observed a larger positive correlation between ethnic subgroup identification and both national identification and nationalism for majorities than for minorities (H2, 20 countries). A stronger overall relationship between ethnic and national identification was observed in countries with a low level of human development. The greatest minority-majority differences in the relationship between ethnic identification and national attitudes were found in egalitarian countries with a strong welfare state tradition.

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This paper investigates language attitudes among ethnic migrant groups in Khartoum, the capital city of Sudan. A questionnaire was used to collect data on language preference, language parents prefer their children to learn, and reasons for language preference. Results suggest that while positive attitude played a significant role in learning Arabic among some of the groups under investigation, it proved to be of no help in maintaining the groups’ ethnic languages. Arabic was reported as very important for education, religious activities, economic privileges and social interaction. Ethnic languages, on the other hand, were preferred for purely symbolic reasons (symbolizing groups’ ethnic identity).

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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

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L’intégration des nouveaux immigrants pose un défi, et ce, particulièrement dans les nations infra-étatiques. En effet, les citoyens vivant dans ces contextes ont davantage tendance à percevoir les immigrants comme de potentielles menaces politiques et culturelles. Cependant, les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires ne représentent pas tous le même degré de menace. Cette étude cherche à déterminer si les citoyens francophones québécois perçoivent différemment les différents groupes ethniques et religieux minoritaires, et s’ils entretiennent des attitudes plus négatives envers ces groupes, comparativement aux autres Canadiens. Dans la mesure où ces attitudes négatives existent, l’étude cherche à comprendre si ces dernières sont basées principalement sur des préjugés raciaux ou sur des inquiétudes culturelles. Se fondant sur des données nationales et provinciales, les résultats démontrent que les francophones Québécois sont plus négatifs envers les minorités religieuses que les autres canadiens mais pas envers les minorités raciales, et que ces attitudes négatives sont fondées principalement sur une inquiétude liée la laïcité et à la sécurité culturelle. L’antipathie envers certaines minorités observée au sein de la majorité francophone au Québec semble donc être dirigée envers des groupes spécifiques, et se fondent sur des principes de nature davantage culturelle que raciale.

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In this paper we examine the link between ethnic and religious polarization and conflict using interpersonal distances for ethnic and religious attitudes obtained from the World Values Survey. We use the Duclos et al (2004) polarization index. We measure conflict by means on an index of social unrest, as well as by the standard conflict onset or incidence based on a threshold number of deaths. Our results show that taking distances into account significantly improves the quality of the fit. Our measure of polarization outperforms the measure used by Montalvo and Reynal-Querol (2005) and the fractionalization index. We also obtain that both ethnic and religious polarization are significant in explaining conflict. The results improve when we use an indicator of social unrest as the dependent variable.

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Dominant groups have claimed to be the targets of discrimination on several historical occasions during violent intergroup conflict and genocide.The authors argue that perceptions of ethnic victimization among members of dominant groups express social dominance motives and thus may be recruited for the enforcement of group hierarchy. They examine the antecedents of perceived ethnic victimization among dominants, following 561 college students over 3 years from freshman year to graduation year. Using longitudinal, cross-lagged structural equation modeling, the authors show that social dominance orientation (SDO) positively predicts perceived ethnic victimization among Whites but not among Latinos, whereas victimization does not predict SDO over time. In contrast, ethnic identity and victimization reciprocally predicted each other longitudinally with equal strength among White and Latino students. SDO is not merely a reflection of contextualized social identity concerns but a psychological, relational motivation that undergirds intergroup attitudes across extended periods of time and interacts with the context of group dominance.

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With each passing election, U.S. political campaigns have renewed their efforts in courting the “Latino vote,” yet the Latino population is not a culturally homogenous voting bloc. This study examined how cultural identifications and acculturation attitudes in U.S. born Mexican Americans interacted with socioeconomic status (SES) to predict political orientation. Individuals who held stronger Mexican identity and supported biculturalism as an acculturation strategy had a more liberal orientation, while belonging to a higher SES group and holding stronger assimilation attitudes predicted a less liberal orientation. Mexican cultural identification interacted with SES such that those who held a weaker Mexican identity, but came from a higher social class were less liberal and more moderate in their political orientation. Weak Mexican identification and higher SES also predicted weaker endorsement of bicultural acculturation attitudes, which in turn, mediated the differences in political orientation. The acceptance of one’s ethnic identity and endorsement of bicultural attitudes predicted a more liberal political orientation. In light of these findings, political candidates should be cautious in how they pander to Latino constituents—referencing the groups’ ethnic culture or customs may distance constituents who are not strongly identified with their ethnic culture.

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Marriage is amongst the biggest decisions in life. In general, there is a tendency towards assortative matching people marry others who are relatively similar to themselves. Intermarriage between different social, religious and ethnic groups in most societies is relatively rare (Blossfeld and Timm 2003). Where it occurs, it is associated with more rapid assimilation (Meng and Gregory 2005). The frequency of intermarriage can therefore serve as a useful indicator of tolerant attitudes towards a minority, and of the desire to integrate (Bisin, Topa, and Verdier 2004).In this paper, we analyze under which conditions intermarriage can be used as an indicator of tolerance, and whether such tolerant attitudes persisted in Germany during the last century. We combine information on individual-level attitudes from the German social survey (GESIS) with historical data on marriage patterns.

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Caló is a variety spoken by the Spanish Calé (i.e. the Roma). It belongs to a group of languages referred to as “Para-Romani”, characterized by Romani vocabulary, but largely non-Romani morphology, phonology and syntax, in the case of Caló deriving from Spanish. According to previous research carried out – with focus on the vocabulary and the grammar of this variety – Caló is on its way to extinction. However, there is an expressed interest in reintroducing a form called “Romanó-Caló”. Attitudes play an important role in minority language maintenance as well as in order for a revitalization project to be successful. The aim of this study is to measure the attitudes that both Calé and non-Calé have towards Caló and Caló speakers, a type of study never carried out in the past. The methods applied are both direct and indirect. In total, 231 informants listened to different recordings of voices acting as either a “Spanish speaking person” or a “Caló speaking person”, a technique referred to as ‘matched guise’, answering questions related to the voices on attitude scales. Furthermore, 182 of the informants rated their agreement or disagreement to positive and negative items towards Caló and its speakers on a Likert scale. The results of the analysis indicate that the attitudes differ towards Caló and Caló speakers, depending on the informant’s (a) ethnicity (b) contact with Caló as well as with Caló speakers, and (c) gender. It is those who – in their own opinion – belong to the ethnic group Calé, as well as those who claim that they have some contact with the variety and its speakers, who show positive attitudes in both parts of the study. The women also show more positive attitudes than the men. It is also possible to note positive attitudes towards the variety and its speakers among the subjects with a high level of knowledge of Caló words, as well as among those with the highest willingness to use Caló. These observations suggest that a revitalization project of the variety Caló has a clear chance of being successful.

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Background Switzerland is confronted with the problem of interpersonal violence. Violence is in the increase and the potential for aggression seems to be rising. Observations by hospitals discern an appalling increase of the severity of the injuries. The aim of this study is to collect accurate information about the social environment, the motivation and possible reasons for violence. We also intend to investigate whether sociocultural, or ethnic differences among male victims exist. Materials and methods For the first time in Switzerland, this survey employed a validated questionnaire from the division of violence prevention, Atlanta, Georgia. The first part of the questionnaire addressed social and demographic factors which could influence the risk of violence: age, gender, duration of stay in Switzerland, nationality and educational level. Beside these social structural factors, the questionnaire included questions on experience of violent offences in the past, information about the most recent violent offence and intra and interpersonal facts. The questionnaire itself consists of 27 questions, translated into German and French. In a pilot study, the questionnaire was checked with adolescents for feasibility and comprehensibility. Results 69 male VIVs were interviewed at two hospitals in the Canton of Bern. Most of the adolescents emphasised that weapons were not used during their confrontations. It is astonishing that all of the young men considered themselves to be victims. Most of the brawls were incited after an exchange of verbal abuse and provocations with unfamiliar individuals. The rivals could neither be classified with the help of ethnic categories nor identifiable groups of the youth scenes. The incidents took place in scenes, where violence was more likely to happen. Interestingly and contrary to a general perception the offenders are well integrated into sport and leisure clubs. A further surprising result of our research is that the attitude towards religion differs between young men with experience of violence and non-violent men. Discussion Youth violence is a health issue, which concerns us globally. The human and economic toll of violence on victims and offenders, their families, and on society in general is high. The economic costs associated with violence-related illness and disability is estimated to be millions of Swiss francs each year. Physicians and psychologists are compelled to identify the factors, which cause young people to be violent, to find out which interventions prove to be successful, and to design effective prevention programs. The identification of effective programs depends on the availability of reliable and valid measures to assess changes in violence-related attitudes. In our efforts to create healthier communities, we need to investigate; document and do research on the causes and circumstances of youth violence.