Vereda and Murundu wetlands and changes in Brazilian environmental laws: challenges to conservation

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Cross-cutting environmental laws : a guide for federal/state project officers.

Mode of access: Internet.

Environmental law and the economic impact on Australian firms

In response to international awareness of environmental issues and the inadequacies of common law actions, legislation has been enacted by Australian governments to facilitate environmental protection. The Environmental Protection Act 1994 (Qld) and accompanying Environmental Protection (Interim) Regulation 1995 (Qld) is one example of government response to mounting public pressure to legislate for the environment. Investigation into the operation of the legislation exposes the costs faced by Australian firms in its application. The legislation identifies a number of environmentally relevant activities and imposes licensing and reporting requirements on firms undertaking such activities. In view of these legislative requirements and the increasing public awareness of environmental issues over the last decade in Australia, it could be expected that firms undertaking environmentally sensitive activities will place greater importance on the management of environmental issues. If so, the greater prominence placed on environmental management may be reflected in disclosures made by the firm to its shareholders and other interested parties. This article investigates the type and extent of costs currently imposed by the body of environmental laws in Australia with the discussion primarily focusing upon costs imposed due to the operation of environmental legislation in Queensland. Further, the article reports empirical analysis of management response to environmental issues where firms are undertaking environmentally sensitive activities.

Whales and Sonar: Environmental Exemptions for the Navy’s Mid-Frequency Active Sonar Training

Mid-frequency active (MFA) sonar emits pulses of sound from an underwater transmitter to help determine the size, distance, and speed of objects. The sound waves bounce off objects and reflect back to underwater acoustic receivers as an echo. MFA sonar has been used since World War II, and the Navy indicates it is the only reliable way to track submarines, especially more recently designed submarines that operate more quietly, making them more difficult to detect. Scientists have asserted that sonar may harm certain marine mammals under certain conditions, especially beaked whales. Depending on the exposure, they believe that sonar may damage the ears of the mammals, causing hemorrhaging and/or disorientation. The Navy agrees that the sonar may harm some marine mammals, but says it has taken protective measures so that animals are not harmed. MFA training must comply with a variety of environmental laws, unless an exemption is granted by the appropriate authority. Marine mammals are protected under the Marine Mammal Protection Act (MMPA) and some under the Endangered Species Act (ESA). The training program must also comply with the National Environmental Policy Act (NEPA), and in some cases the Coastal Zone Management Act (CZMA). Each of these laws provides some exemption for certain federal actions. The Navy has invoked all of the exemptions to continue its sonar training exercises. Litigation challenging the MFA training off the coast of Southern California ended with a November 2008 U.S. Supreme Court decision. The Supreme Court said that the lower court had improperly favored the possibility of injuring marine animals over the importance of military readiness. The Supreme Court’s ruling allowed the training to continue without the limitations imposed on it by other courts. (pdf contains 20pp.)

The Nicaragua Canal. Is the Assessment in line with National Environmental Law?

In 2013, the Government of Nicaragua approved the concession for a 173-mile canal to the Hong Kong Nicaragua Canal Development Investment Group. As the Western Hemisphere's second poorest nation, Nicaragua is attracted the promises of economic growth that may come as a result of the Canal Project. However, potential economic benefits may be offset by environmental and social damages that would likely occur as a result of the project. The Canal would bisect 16 watersheds, 15 protected areas, and 25 percent of Nicaragua’s rainforest, which would have high impacts on biodiversity, watershed services, and indigenous communities. In 1996, Law No. 217 was enacted to standardize the use and conservation of the environment and natural resources of Nicaragua. My research compares the Environmental and Social Impact Assessment of the Nicaragua Canal to the Environmental provisions of Law No. 217. This analysis can help understand the legal viability of the ESIA under Nicaragua environmental laws.

Putting the Green in Bureaucracy: Practices of Quantification and Valuation in Environmental Regulation

While researchers have devoted considerable attention to exploring the ways that intentional environmental reregulation creates new avenues for capital accumulation (e.g. Smith, 2007; Castree, 2008), it remains somewhat unclear how the less grandiose day-to-day work of environmental regulators may also help create new sources of ecological value. Through an ethnographic study of environmental regulators tasked with enforcing key environmental laws, I shed light on the subtle ways that rule interpretation and scientific practice structure the frames, models, and methodologies regulators use to enact “best professional judgments” about ecological systems, and ultimately to assign particular values to nature. I also show the ways that non-human nature pushes back against such assessments, which in combination with the interpretive work of environmental regulation, opens spaces of conflict in at least two arenas: one focused on modes of quantification, where actors contend between economistic, ecological, statutory, and moral frames for making value assessments; and one focused on presentations of value, where actors contend between value assessments that best represent their self-defined interests. The ‘value settlements’ environmental regulators reach in these contested spaces allow processes of commensuration to proceed, and ultimately make nature legible for capitalization and exchange. Accounting for the ways that these basic regulatory practice help create ecological value is essential for creating a fuller picture of the ways capital and natural capital relate.

EDUCATION, TRAINING AND AWARENESS OF LAWS AS DETERMINANTS OF COMPLIANCE WITH PLANT PROTECTION LAW: THE CASE OF PESTICIDE USE PRACTICES IN TANZANIA

Pesticide residues in food and environment pose serious health risks to human beings. Plant protection laws, among other things, regulate misuse of agricultural pesticides. Compliance with such laws consequently reduces risks of pesticide residues in food and the environment. Studies were conducted to assess the compliance with plant protection laws among tomato farmers in Mvomero District, Morogoro Region, Tanzania. Compliance was assessed by examining pesticide use practices that are regulated by the Tanzanian Plant Protection Act (PPA) of 1997. A total of 91 tomato farmers were interviewed using a structured questionnaire. Purposive sampling was used in selecting at least 30 respondent farmers from each of the three villages of Msufini, Mlali and Doma in Mvomero District, Morogoro Region. Simple Random Sampling was used to obtain respondents from the sampling frame. Individual and social factors were examined on how they could affect pesticide use practices regulated by the law. Descriptive statistics, mainly frequency, were used to analyze the data while associations between variables were determined using Chi-Square and logistic regression model. The results showed that respondents were generally aware of the existence of laws on agriculture, environment and consumer health, although none of them could name a specific Act. The results revealed further that 94.5% of the farmers read instructions on the pesticides label. However, only 21% used the correct doses of pesticides, 40.7% stored pesticides in special stores, 68.1% used protective gear, while 94.5% always read instructions on the label before using a pesticide product. Training influenced the application rate of pesticide (p < 0.001) while awareness of agricultural laws significantly influenced farmers’ tendency to read information on the labels (p < 0.001). The results showed further that education significantly influenced the use of protective gears by farmers (p = 0.042). Education also significantly affected the manner in which farmers stored pesticide-applying equipment (p = 0.024). Furthermore, farmers’ awareness of environmental laws significantly (p = 0.03) affected farmers’ disposal of empty pesticide containers. Results of this study suggest the need for express provisions on safe use and handling of pesticides and related offences in the Act, and that compliance should be achieved through education rather than coercion. Results also suggest establishment of pesticide disposal mechanisms and structures to reduce unsafe disposal of pesticide containers. It is recommended that farmers should be educated and trained on proper use of pesticides. Farmers’ awareness on laws affecting food, environment and agriculture should be improved.

Public awareness of ‘green’ residential property – an empirical survey based on data from New Zealand and Germany

Over the last few years more stringent environmental laws (e.g. the German “Energie¬ein-sparverordnung ENEV” - Energy Performance of Buildings Directive) and soaring energy prices has increased the need for the real estate industry to react and participate in overall energy reduction through efficient house construction and design, as well as upgrading the existing housing stock to be more energy efficient. Therefore the Property Economics Group at Queensland University of Technology in Australia and Nuertingen-Geislingen University in Germany are carrying out research in relation to sustainable housing construction and public awareness of “green” residential property. Part of this research is to gain an understanding of the level of knowledge and importance of these issues to the house buyer and to determine the importance of sustainable housing to the general public. The paper compares data from two different empirical studies; one of studies analyzes the situation in New Zealand, the other is focused on Germany.

An integrated information management model for ecologically sustainable development

Ecologically sustainable development has become a major feature of legal systems at the international, national and local levels throughout the world. In Australia, governments have responded to environmental crises by enacting legislation imposing obligations and restrictions over privately-owned land. Whilst these obligations and restrictions may well be necessary to achieve sustainability, the approach to management of information concerning these instruments is problematic. For example, management of information concerning obligations and restrictions in Queensland is fragmented, with some instruments registered or recorded on the land title register, some on external registers, and some information only available in the legislation itself. This approach is used in most Australian jurisdictions. This fragmented approach has led to two separate but interconnected problems. First, the Torrens system is no longer meeting its goal of providing a complete and accurate picture of title. Second, this uncoordinated approach to the management of land titles, and obligations and restrictions on land use, has created a barrier to sustainable management of natural resources. This is because compliance with environmental laws is impaired in the absence of easily accessible and accurate information. These problems demonstrate a clear need for reform in this area. To determine how information concerning these obligations and restrictions may be most effectively managed, this thesis will apply a comparative methodology and consider three case studies, which each utilise different models for management of this information. These jurisdictions will be assessed according to a set of guidelines for comparison to identify which features of their systems provide for effective management of information concerning obligations and restrictions on title and use. Based on this comparison, this thesis will devise a series of recommendations for an effective system for the management of information concerning obligations and restrictions on land title and use, taking into account any potential legal issues and barriers to implementation. This series of recommendations for reform will be supplemented by suggested draft legislative provisions.

Managing the impacts of sugarcane farming on the Great Barrier Reef: An evaluation of the implementation of the Polluter Pays Principle

This report provides an evaluation of the implementation of the Polluter Pays Principle (PPP) – a principle of international environmental law – in the context of pollution from sugarcane farming affecting Australia’s Great Barrier Reef (GBR). The research was part of an experiment to test methods for evaluating the effectiveness of environmental laws. Overall, we found that whilst the PPP is reflected to a limited extent in Australian law (more so in Queensland law, than at the national level), the behaviour one might expect in terms of implementing the principle was largely inadequate. Evidence of a longer term, explicit commitment to the PPP was particularly weak.

The effectiveness of the Precautionary Principle in protecting Australia's endangered species

This report is the result of a small-scale experiment looking at improving methods for evaluating environmental laws. The objective in this research was to evaluate the effectiveness of the precautionary principle – an accepted principle of international environmental law – in the context of Australia’s endangered species. Two case studies were selected by our team: the (Great) White Shark and an endangered native Australian plant known as Tylophora Linearis.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

An appraisal of electric automobile power sources

Road transportation, as an important requirement of modern society, is presently hindered by restrictions in emission legislations as well as the availability of petroleum fuels, and as a consequence, the fuel cost. For nearly 270 years, we burned our fossil cache and have come to within a generation of exhausting the liquid part of it. Besides, to reduce the greenhouse gases, and to obey the environmental laws of most countries, it would be necessary to replace a significant number of the petroleum-fueled internal-combustion-engine vehicles (ICEVs) with electric cars in the near future. In this article, we briefly describe the merits and demerits of various proposed electrochemical systems for electric cars, namely the storage batteries, fuel cells and electrochemical supercapacitors, and determine the power and energy requirements of a modern car. We conclude that a viable electric car could be operated with a 50 kW polymer-electrolyte fuel cell stack to provide power for cruising and climbing, coupled in parallel with a 30 kW supercapacitor and/or battery bank to deliver additional short-term burst-power during acceleration.

Cidades secas, vidas secas: A trajetória das águas e sua regulamentação no Rio de Janeiro sob uma perspectiva urbano-ambiental

Esta tese analisará a distribuição das águas na cidade do Rio de Janeiro considerando os elementos sociais, jurídicos, políticos, e seus reflexos no direito urbano e ambiental. Nesse aspecto referenciará as medidas de regulação e de organização da estrutura urbana, desde a formação da cidade até os dias atuais, assim como as consequências da exclusão e da ausência das políticas urbanas equitativas. No início, as ocupações irregulares, se distantes do centro e dos bairros elitizados, não despertavam maiores demandas do poder público, porém com o aumento das periferias e as ocupações próximas aos bairros formais, inúmeras medidas adotadas optaram pela remoção, contenção e a destruição dos espaços sem apresentar uma solução, agravando os problemas urbanos. Tais problemas, reconhecidamente sociais, passam a ser denominados urbanos e ambientais, gerando uma complexa criminalização dos moradores das periferias. As intervenções nos espaços são legalizadas pelo instrumento jurídico, as residências suburbanas são classificadas como ilegais e, por consequência, os recursos que deveriam atender a todos na cidade são direcionados apenas para cidade legalizada, criando a celeuma da desigualdade. Assim, amontoados em barracos precários, sem abastecimento de água, energia, esgoto e coleta de lixo, as periferias multiplicam as diversas formas de violência, uma vez que o direito não socorre esses moradores que, abandonados pela lei, vivem a escassez das águas e a especulação dos serviços ilegais de abastecimento. A crise do abastecimento não é causada pelas populações mais empobrecidas, mas pelo mercado que se apropria da maior parte desses recursos, dentro do sistema de uma lógica capitalista, e exclui aqueles que não podem pagar pelo abastecimento regular. Nesse sentido, este trabalho entende que o direito, ainda que tenha se tornado regulatório pode assumir um caráter revolucionário e transformador em que o direito das águas seja um direito da comunidade, por isso, um bem público não estatal, por fim objetiva esse trabalho estudar as leis das águas dentro do paradigma da solidariedade hídrica.

Que paraíso é esse?: a turismização da Ilha Grande

A Ilha Grande (Angra dos Reis, RJ) apresenta dois acontecimentos que marcam a história recente do lugar: a instituição de leis ambientais com a criação de quatro unidades de conservação da natureza (entre 1971 e 1990); e a intensificação do fluxo turístico após a implosão do Instituto Penal Cândido Mendes - IPCM (1994), que marcou o fim de cerca de 100 anos de um sistema penitenciário. A Ilha, sempre associada às belezas naturais e à ideia de paraíso, a partir desse momento, deixa de ser referida como o paraíso-inferno e passa a ser reconhecida predominantemente pelas potencialidades paisagísticas, voltando-se para o turismo, que se torna um componente central da vida no lugar. Reconstituindo a trajetória do turismo na Ilha, e considerando o quadro atual das atividades turísticas (a partir da minha participação em fóruns para discussão e resolução dos problemas da Ilha, de pesquisa em jornais, e de entrevistas com moradores e participantes desses fóruns), mostro os significados e visões sobre o paraíso Ilha Grande e o turismo o que se tem e o se quer , tanto no nível dos discursos e das representações, quanto no nível das práticas e das relações sociais instituídas. Revela-se aí um campo de disputa entre diferentes atores sociais com interesses diversos para salvar e explorar a Ilha Grande; onde a natureza e o turismo se apresentam como dois elementos utilizados como estratégias para sobrevivência de grande parte da população e como estratégia política do poder público; um paraíso marcado pelo turismo e um paraíso para o turismo. Faço uma leitura da ocorrência e das implicações do turismo na Ilha Grande através da ideia de turismização, em analogia com o pensamento de Norbert Elias sobre processo civilizador e de J. S. Leite Lopes sobre ambientalização, e reconhecendo o diálogo e os embates entre o processo turismizador e o processo ambientalizador na Ilha Grande.