ENRAIZAMIENTO ELECTORAL EN ÁMBITOS SUBNACIONALES: ANÁLISIS DE LAS ORGANIZACIONES POLÍTICO-ELECTORALES PERUANAS (1963-2014)

Este artículo se presenta como un aporte a los estudios sobre el sistema de partidos peruano a escala subnacional. Se propone y discuten los hallazgos de una medida -Indicador de Enraizamiento Agregado (IEA) - para el análisis del sistema de partidos en los ámbitos locales y regionales. Para ello se explora el enraizamiento de las organizaciones político-electorales ganadoras de municipios provinciales y gobiernos regionales en el período 1963-2014. Hacia la última elección del período (2014) la evidencia indica que el enraizamiento a escala provincial y regional es débil pero con signos de una recuperación progresiva. Asimismo, a través del IEA se evalúa parcialmente el nivel de institucionalización del sistema de partidos subnacional.

Elections 2.0 : reflections on the 2010 federal election and the future of Australian electoral law

This article analyses the 2010 federal election and the impact the internet and social media had on electoral law, and what this may mean for electoral law in the future. Four electoral law issues arising out of the 2010 election as a result of the internet are considered, including online enrolment, regulation of online advertising and comment, fundraising and the role of lobby groups, especially when it comes to crowdsourcing court challenges. Finally, the article offers some suggestions as to how the parliament and the courts should respond to these challenges.

Politicians as experts, electoral control, and fiscal restraints

We establish an argument for fiscal restraints which is based on the idea that politicians are experts in the meaning of the credence good literature. A budget maximizing politician is better informed than the electorate about the necessary spending to ensure the states ability to provide services for the economy. Voters, being able to observe the budget but not the necessary level of spending, attenuate the government’s spending level via electoral control. A fiscal restraint limits the maximum spending a government will choose if the level of spending ensuring the politicians reelection is not sufficient to ensure the state’s ability to provide services to the economy. We determine when such a fiscal restraint improves voter welfare and discuss the role of the opposition in situations where very high levels of spending are required.

Electoral behaviour in the 2010 Australian federal election

All elections are unique, but the Australian federal election of 2010 was unusual for many reasons. It came in the wake of the unprecedented ousting of the Prime Minister who had led the Australian Labor Party to a landslide victory, after eleven years in opposition, at the previous election in 2007. In a move that to many would have been unthinkable, Kevin Rudd’s increasing unpopularity within his own parliamentary party finally took its toll and in late June he was replaced by his deputy, Julia Gillard. Thus the second unusual feature of the election was that it was contested by Australia’s first female prime minister. The third unusual feature was that the election almost saw a first-term government, with a comfortable majority, defeated. Instead it resulted in a hung parliament, for the first time since 1940, and Labor scraped back into power as a minority government, supported by three independents and the first member of the Australian Greens ever to be elected to the House of Representatives. The Coalition Liberal and National opposition parties themselves had a leader of only eight months standing, Tony Abbott, whose ascension to the position had surprised more than a few. This was the context for an investigation of voting behaviour in the 2010 election....

The disenfranchisement of prisoners : Roach v Electoral Commissioner & Anor - modernity v feudalism

David Brown takes a road trip to Canberra for the Roach fixture at the High Court where modernity is attempting a fight-back against the resurrection of civil death. With echoes of Hunter S Thompson as rugby league follower, the author recounts a trip to Canberra to observe a case in which Vickie Lee Roach, an Indigenous woman prisoner, challenged (successfully as it later turns out) the Howard government's 2006 legislation disenfranchising all serving prisoners.

Generations and turnout : The generational effect in electoral participation in Finland

The relationship between age and turnout has been curve-linear as electoral participation first increases with age, remains relatively stable throughout middle-age and then gradually declines as certain physical infirmities set in (see e.g. Milbrath 1965). Alongside this life-cycle effect in voting, recent pooled cross-sectional analyses (see e.g. Blais et al. 2004; Lyons and Alexander 2000) have shown that there is also a generational effect, referring to lasting differences in turnout between various age groups. This study firstly examines the extent to which the generational effect applies in the Finnish context. Secondly, it investigates the factors accounting for that effect. The first article, based on individual-level register data from the parliamentary elections of 1999, shows that turnout differences between the different age groups would be even larger if there were no differences in social class and education. The second article examines simultaneously the effects of age, generation and period in the Finnish parliamentary elections of 1975-2003 based on pooled data from Finnish voter barometers (N = 8,634). The results show that there is a clear life cycle, generational and period effect. The third article examines the role of political socialisation in accounting for generational differences in electoral participation. Political socialisation is defined as the learning process in which an individual adopts various values, political attitudes, and patterns of actions from his or her environment. The multivariate analysis, based on the Finnish national election study 2003 (N=1,270), indicated that if there were no differences in socialisation between the youngest and the older generations, the difference in turnout would be much larger than if only sex and socioeconomic factors are controlled for. The fourth article examines other possible factors related to generational effect in voting. The results mainly apply to the Finnish parliamentary elections of 2003 in which we have data available. The results show that the sense of duty by far accounts for the generational effect in voting. Political interest, political knowledge and non-parliamentary participation also narrowed the differences in electoral participation between the youngest and the second youngest generations. The implication of the findings is that the lower turnout among the current youth is not a passing phenomenon that will diminish with age. Considering voting a civic duty and understanding the meaning of collective action are both associated with the process of political socialisation which therefore has an important role concerning the generational effect in turnout.

Prueba de tres hormonas en el enraizamiento de estacas de cafeto (Coffea arabica L.)

Con el objeto de determinar el efecto de tres hormonas sobre el enraizamiento de estacas de café (Coffee arábica L.) se hizo una prueba con cuatro repeticiones con un testigo. Este ensayo se llevó a efecto en la ciudad de Jinotega con una duración aproximada de cinco meses. Los tratamientos fueron los siguientes: A Estacas tratadas con Rootone; B Estacas tratadas con Ácido Indolacético; C Estacas tratadas con extracto de Orina de Vaca; y D Estacas no tratadas. Las estacas se obtuvieron de la zona apical (herbáceas) de ramas con crecimiento orto trópico, de plantas madres de unos seis años de edad, y se le dejo a cada estaca un total de tres nudos, haciéndoles un corte a bisel, un poco arriba del 40 nudo, se les quitó el 50% del follaje y se colocaron en un enraizador a neblina. El medio enraizante fue arena de rio desde muy gruesa a fina colocadas en capas ascendentes conforme disminuía su diámetro. El diseño utilizado fue Cuadrado Latino con diez estacas como unidad experimental. Los datos recabados fueron: 1 Número de estacas enraizadas; 2 Número promedio de raíces por estaca; 3 Largo promedio de las raíces. Los datos referentes al número de estacas enraizadas fueron sometidos a la prueba de X2 dando como resultado, diferencia altamente significativa. Al desglosar esta diferencia por medio de diferentes comparaciones se vio que los tratamientos: Orina de Vaca y Roo-tone, se comportaron superior a Acido Indolacético el cual a su vez no mostró diferencia con el testigo. El análisis efectuado sobre el número do raíces, no mostró diferencia significativa en los niveles de 1%, 5% de probabilidades, lo que es indicativo que ninguno do los tratamientos favoreció este aspecto. Al analizar los datos del largo promedio de las ratees se encontró que existe diferencia altamente significativa entro los tratamientos. Su efectuaron luego comparaciones no ortogonales, utilizando la prueba de Duncan, lo cual demostró que no existe diferencia significativa entro el uso de Rootone, Orina de Vaca y Testigo, Sin embargo el uso de Rootone, resultó superior a los otros dos. El Ácido Indolacótico resultó con un comportamiento inferior a los otros tratamientos.

La información televisiva en campaña electoral. Análisis de las noticias en ETB y TVE durante las elecciones municipales y autonómicas de mayo de 2003

401 p.

Representing Europe's Citizens? Electoral Institutions and the Failure of Parliamentary Representation

Scully, Roger, Farrell, David, Representing Europe's Citizens? Electoral Institutions and the Failure of Parliamentary Representation (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), pp.xiii+230 RAE2008

Devolution and Electoral Politics in Scotland and Wales

Scully, Roger, and R. Wyn Jones, 'Devolution and Electoral Politics in Scotland and Wales', Publius, (2006) 36(1) pp.115-134 RAE2008

Coevolution of capitalism and political representation: The choice of electoral systems

Protocorporatist West European countries in which economic interests were collectively organized adopted PR in the first quarter of the twentieth century, whereas liberal countries in which economic interests were not collectively organized did not. Political parties, as Marcus Kreuzer points out, choose electoral systems. So how do economic interests translate into party political incentives to adopt electoral reform? We argue that parties in protocorporatist countries were representative of and closely linked to economic interests. As electoral competition in single member districts increased sharply up to World War I, great difficulties resulted for the representative parties whose leaders were seen as interest committed. They could not credibly compete for votes outside their interest without leadership changes or reductions in interest influence. Proportional representation offered an obvious solution, allowing parties to target their own voters and their organized interest to continue effective influence in the legislature. In each respect, the opposite was true of liberal countries. Data on party preferences strongly confirm this model. (Kreuzer's historical criticisms are largely incorrect, as shown in detail in the online supplementary Appendix.). © 2010 American Political Science Association.

Estadística electoral

Estamos en tiempo electoral (y en nuestro país casi todos lo son). El pistoletazo mediático de salida se dio en las elecciones de Cataluña, donde desde tiempo atrás todos los sondeos daban por ganador al PSC, tanto por votos como por escaños. Incluso seguían así los sondeos de las emisoras de radio y TV de las ocho de la tarde, después de votar. Pero lo cierto es que, una vez escrutados todos los votos, quien ganó en escaños fue CiU.

Equalising opportunities for women in electoral politics in Ireland: The Views of Women Members of Parliament

This paper examines the attitudes of women political elites in Ireland toward positive action initiatives that would assist in increasing women's legislative presence. An earlier study isolated family responsibilities and lack of finance as significant barriers for Irish women wishing to enter, and stay in, political life. In addition, scholarly and policy debates on boosting women's parliamentary representation focus on manipulating electoral or party selection rules along with strategies for making a political career more compatible with women's socially determined responsibilities. This paper examines how Irish women politicians respond to various suggestions for positive action in these three arenas: combining legislative and family responsibilities, funding a political campaign and getting elected. The paper highlights the broad consensus among women politicians, irrespective of party, self-interest, or length of service, favoring certain positive action initiatives, as well as their reluctance to support other options. It also illustrates the complexity of implementing some of these reforms. In addition, the paper emphasizes how cultural expectations and values act to inhibit women's political agency.

Peacebuilding and Consociational Electoral Engineering in Bosnia-Herzegovina'

What role do elections play in societies emerging from communal war and what type of institutions can serve as catalysts in deepening peace and compromise? While some analysts argue that ethnicity should be recognized through 'consociational' institutions, others maintain that 'integrative' devices - in particular, carefully crafted electoral rules - can limit or even break down the salience of ethnicity and increase the possibility for inter-ethnic accommodation. This article examines the post-war electoral experience of Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), arguing that elections had a problematic, unintended impact on peacebuilding. First, timid integrative electoral devices were adopted in a consociational system that reifies ethnic division and complicates compromise; second, peacebuilding agencies needlessly manufactured electoral rules that backfired; third, group-based features of the BiH political system run counter to individual human rights. The article ends with suggestions for improving the electoral framework.