Election campaigns, and television news coverage : the case of the 2001 Australian election

This paper examines the patterns of television news coverage of the political parties, their leaders and the issues they raised during the 2001 Australian federal election campaign. By focusing on some issues, parties and leaders, television has long been argued to constrain voters' evaluations. We find that television news coverage in the 2001 Australian election campaign focused primarily on international issues, especially terrorism and asylum seekers, and on the two major parties - virtually to the exclusion of coverage of the minor parties and their leaders. Within the major party 'two-horse race', television gave substantially more coverage to the leaders than to the parties themselves, thereby sustaining what some have called a 'presidential'-style political contest. John Howard emerged as the winner in the leaders' stakes, garnering more coverage than Labor's Kim Beazley.

Social media in selected Australian federal and state election campaigns, 2010-15

Campaigning in Australian election campaigns at local, state, and federal levels is fundamentally affected by the fact that voting is compulsory in Australia, with citizens who are found to have failed to cast their vote subject to fines. This means that - contrary to the situation in most other nations – elections are decided not by which candidate or party has managed to encourage the largest number of nominal supporters to make the effort to cast their vote, but by some 10-20% of genuine ‘swinging voters’ who change their party preferences from one election to the next. Political campaigning is thus aimed less at existing party supporters (so-called ‘rusted on’ voters whose continued support for the party is essentially taken for granted) than at this genuinely undecided middle of the electorate. Over the past decades, this has resulted in a comparatively timid, vague campaigning style from both major party blocs (the progressive Australian Labor Party [ALP] and the conservative Coalition of the Liberal and National Parties [L/NP]). Election commitments that run the risk of being seen as too partisan and ideological are avoided as they could scare away swinging voters, and recent elections have been fought as much (or more) on the basis of party leaders’ perceived personas as they have on stated policies, even though Australia uses a parliamentary system in which the Prime Minister and state Premiers are elected by their party room rather than directly by voters. At the same time, this perceived lack of distinctiveness in policies between the major parties has also enabled the emergence of new, smaller parties which (under Australia’s Westminster-derived political system) have no hope of gaining a parliamentary majority but could, in a close election, come to hold the balance of power and thus exert disproportionate influence on a government which relies on their support.

From the “Little Aussie Bleeder” to Newstopia : (really) fake news in Australia

This paper offers an overview of the key characteristics of “fake” news in the Australian national context. Focusing on two television shows – The Norman Gunston Show and NEWStopia – it historicizes “fake” news within Australian television culture, situating it as part of a broader tradition of what Turner (1989) calls “Transgressive TV.” After analyzing the core comedic themes, styles, and intertextual relationships of both shows, the paper concludes that, although news parody in Australia has tended to be highly fictionalized, it may nevertheless play a vital role in helping viewers better understand generic devices that frame and govern “real” television news.

Foreign news coverage in five African newspapers

One of the principal arguments that dominated intellectual debate in the 19805 concerned the imbalance in the quantity and quality of world news, in particular news from developing countries. African delegates at the United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organisation (UNESCO), supported by other developing countries, argued that most of the news disseminated by the major Western news agencies was unfavourable to developing countries in qualitative and quantitative terms. Not only did Western news media pay little attention to news of developing countries, it was also argued that the few items that made the news tended to focus on negative events such as crises, wars, coups, riots, street demonstrations, diseases, poverty, pestilence, etc. More than 20 years after the intellectual debate received attention in academic journals, this study set out to examine systematically how African newspapers report the world. The researchers investigate the relative degree of balance and imbalance in the coverage of world news by Nigerian and Ghanaian newspapers. The study also examines Nigerian and Ghanaian journalists’ perceptions of world news coverage by local and foreign newspapers.

‘A planet of confusion and debate’: children's and young people's response to the news coverage of Pluto's loss of planetary status

Despite calls that the school science curriculum should develop among students an ability to understand and respond critically to science-related media reports, very little research has been directed toward an important matter relevant to that aim, namely, how children and young people, untutored, react to science in the news. This study sought, in the context of media coverage of the debate surrounding the planetary status of Pluto, to explore this issue. A questionnaire, completed by 350 students aged between eight and 18, showed just over half of the children and young people were able to write relevantly about the subject though it was the gist not the detail of the story they recounted. There was evidence, nonetheless, that this media-acquired information functioned as active rather than passive knowledge. Students demonstrated relatively few misconceptions and those presented were predominately pre-existing rather than media-derived. As with the wider public, many of the children and young people held strong opinions on Pluto's loss of planethood. Such responses diminished with age, however, with older students expressing a degree of indifference. The paper concludes with a discussion of some implications of the research findings for science instruction.

A Corpus-Linguistic Analysis of News Coverage in Kenya's Daily Nation and Great Britain's Times

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2015

Post-9/11 Terrorism Threats, News Coverage, and Public Perceptions in the United States

Terrorists, policy-makers, and terrorism scholars have long assumed that the mere threat of terrorist strikes affects societies that have experienced actual acts of terrorism. For this reason, most definitions of terrorism include the threat of violent political acts against civilians. But so far research has neither validated this conventional wisdom nor demonstrated how actual and mass-mediated threat messages by terrorists and terror alerts and threat assessments by government officials affect the public in targeted states. This paper fills the gap providing evidence that who conveys such messages matters and that mass-mediated threat messages by al Qaeda leaders and announced alerts and threat assessments by U.S. administration officials had a significant impact on the American public’s threat perceptions in the post-9/11 years.

In search of the "why" behind campaign professionalisation: explaining the degree and profile of campaign professionalisation by an empirical analysis of 23 Swiss cantonal election campaigns

Die Organisation und die strategische Kommunikation von Wahlkämpfen haben sich in den letzten Jahrzehnten in den meisten westeuropäischen Staaten gewandelt, so auch in der Schweiz. Die Kommunikationswissenschaft hat dafür den Begriff der „Professionalisierung“ geprägt und Eigenschaften zusammengetragen, die zu einem „professionalisierten“ Wahlkampf gehören – wie z.B. die Beauftragung von externen Expertinnen und Experten oder die direkte Ansprache von Wählerinnen und Wählern („narrowcasting“). Welche Hintergründe diese Professionalisierung aber hat und wie das Phänomen nicht nur praktisch zu beschreiben, sondern auch theoretisch zu begründen ist, wurde bisher kaum diskutiert. Hier setzt die vorliegende Dissertation an. Basierend auf einer Analyse von 23 Wahlkämpfen aus den Kantonen Aargau, Appenzell Ausserrhoden, Bern, Neuchâtel und Zürich mithilfe der Methode Fuzzy Set Qualitative Comparative Analysis (fsQCA) kommt sie zum Schluss, dass die Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe vor dem theoretischen Hintergrund des soziologischen Neo-Institutionalismus als Anpassung von Wahlkämpfen an sich verändernde Bedingungen, Erwartungen und Anforderungen in den wichtigsten Anspruchsgruppen oder „Umwelten“ für den Wahlkampf (Wählerinnen und Wähler, Mitglieder, Medien, andere Parteien) definiert werden kann. Daraus folgt, dass es nicht nur „die“ Professionalisierung gibt, sondern dass jeder Wahlkampf an jene Umwelten angepasst wird, wo diese Anpassung den Wahlkampfverantwortlichen am dringlichsten erscheint. Daher sollte Professionalisierung mit vier einzelnen Messinstrumenten bzw. Professionalisierungsindices – einem pro Umwelt – gemessen werden. Misst man Professionalisierung wie bisher üblich nur mit einem einzigen Messinstrument, gibt der resultierende Wert nur ein ungenaues Bild vom Grad der Professionalisierung des Wahlkampfs wieder und verschleiert, als Anpassung an welche Umwelt die Professionalisierung geschieht. Hat man ermittelt, wie professionalisiert ein Wahlkampf im Hinblick auf jede der vier relevantesten Umwelten ist, können dann auch zuverlässiger die Gründe analysiert werden, die zur jeweiligen Professionalisierung geführt haben. Die empirische Analyse der kantonalen Wahlkämpfe bestätigte, dass hinter der Professionalisierung in Bezug auf jede der vier Umwelten auch tatsächlich unterschiedliche Gründe stecken. Wahlkämpfe werden in Bezug auf die Ansprache der Wähler angepasst („professionalisiert“), wenn sie in urbanen Kontexten stattfinden. Den Wahlkampf im Hinblick auf die Mitglieder zu professionalisieren ist besonders wichtig, wenn die Konkurrenz zwischen den Parteien gross ist oder wenn eine Ansprache der Gesamtwählerschaft für eine Partei wenig gewinnbringend erscheint. Die Professionalisierung des Wahlkampfes in Bezug auf die Medien erfolgt dann, wenn er eine grosse, regional stark verteilte oder aber eine urbane Wählerschaft ansprechen muss. Für die Professionalisierung der Wahlkämpfe gegenüber anderen Parteien kann kein aussagekräftiger Schluss gezogen werden, da nur wenige der untersuchten Kantonalparteien ihre Wahlkämpfe überhaupt im Hinblick auf andere Parteien professionalisierten, indem sie die gegnerischen Wahlkämpfe beobachteten und den eigenen wenn nötig entsprechend anpassten.

Why EU promotion is at odds with successful crisis management: public relations, news coverage, and the Aceh Monitoring Mission. EU Centre in Singapore Working Paper No. 10, September 2012

The EU’s Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and its accompanying Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) missions can be tools used to increase the international profile of the European Union. Nevertheless, CSDP missions garner little news coverage. This article argues that the very nature of the missions themselves makes them poor vehicles for EU promotion for political, institutional, and logistical reasons. By definition, they are conducted in the middle of crises, making news coverage politically sensitive. The very act of reporting could undermine the mission. Institutionally, all CSDP missions are intergovernmental, making press statements slow, overly bureaucratic, and of little interest to journalists. Logistically, the missions are often located in remote, undeveloped parts of the world, making it difficult and expensive for European and international journalists to cover. Moreover, these regions in crisis seldom have a thriving, local free press. Using the Aceh Monitoring Mission (AMM) as a case study, the author concludes that although a mission may do good, CSDP missions cannot fulfil the political function of raising the profile of the EU.

Investigation of illegal or improper activities in connection with 1996 federal election campaigns : witness deposition testimony /

Includes indexes.