938 resultados para East and Southeast Asia


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In total, 1218 Chinese from twelve ethnic groups and nine Han geographic groups were screened for the mtDNA 9-bp deletion motif. The frequency of the 9-bp deletion in all samples was 14.7% but ranged from 0% to 32% in the various ethnic groups. Three individuals had a triplication of the 9-bp segment. Phylogenetic and demographic analyses of the mtDNA hypervariable segment 1 (HVS1) sequences suggest that the 9-bp deletion occurred more than once in China. The majority of the Chinese deletion:haplotypes (about 90%) have a common origin as a mutational event following an initial expansion of modem humans in eastern Asia. Other deletion haplotypes and the three haplotypes with a 9-bp triplication may have arisen independently in the Chinese, presumably by replication error. HVS1 haplotype analysis suggests two possible migration routes of the 9-bp deletion in east and southeast Asia. Both migrations originated in China with one route leading to the Pacific Islands via Taiwan, the other to southeast Asia and possibly the Nicobar Islands. Along both routes of peopling, a decrease in HVS1 diversity of the mtDNA haplotypes is observed. The "Polynesian motif (16217T/C, 16247A/G, and 16261C/T)" and the 16140T/C, 16266C/A, or C/G polymorphisms appear specific to each migration route.

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Introduction. This chapter takes a closer look at the European Union (EU), China, and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN)’s respective approaches to dealing with non-traditional security (NTS) challenges by investigating their policies toward Burma/Myanmar—a source country of numerous such challenges. It argues that, although all, as members of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF), see the need for multilateral solutions to fight organized crime, provide disaster relief, combat terrorism, prevent drug trafficking, etc., they differ with respect to the steps to be taken to protect human security in Asia-Pacific. China, initially hesitant to join the ARF for fear that other members might try to contain it, has come to value the principal forum for NTS challenges in the Asia-Pacific region since, like many ASEAN countries, it is a big proponent of non-interventionism, non-use of force, consensus decision-making, that is, the confidence-building mechanisms commonly referred to as the ‘ASEAN way’.2 The EU, as a strong proponent of human rights and the rule of law, repeatedly, has criticized ARF members for allowing sovereignty-related norms to get in the way of the protection of human rights, but it has refrained from assuming the role of norm exporter. As will be seen in the case of Burma/Myanmar, the EU does make its opinions heard and, when necessary, will take unilateral steps not supported by the ASEAN members of the ARF but, cognizant of the history of the region, for the most part, settles for supporting economic development and aiding in capacity-building, understanding that it would be counter-productive to exert pressure on reluctant ARF members to modify the non-interference norm. The chapter then speculates about the ‘ASEAN way’s’ longevity, arguing that, increasingly, there are internal and external dynamics that seem to indicate that the ‘ASEAN way,’ at least in its current form, may not be here to stay. The conclusion looks at what might be in store for Burma/Myanmar in the years to come.

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As of December 2012, Australia will be the first country in the world where tobacco products will be sold in olive plain packaging without branding. There has been much discussion as to whether this pioneering initiative will spark an ‘Olive Revolution’ around the world — with other countries adopting the plain packaging of tobacco products. Australia’s neighbours in Southeast Asia would particularly benefit from tobacco control measures such as the plain packaging.

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The United States has exerted a major influence on Southeast Asia, especially since World War II. As both a promoter of neoliberal reform and as the key strategic actor in the wider East Asian region, the impact of U.S. power has been immense. But both the Asian economic crisis and its aftermath, and the more recent war on terror, have highlighted the contradictory impact of evolving U.S. foreign policy and intervention in the region. At both an elite and a mass level there is evidence of resentment about, and hostility toward, U.S. policy and its perceived negative effects. This article outlines how U.S. foreign policy has impacted the region in the economic, political, and security spheres, and argues that not only has it frequently not achieved its goals, but it may in fact be undermining both America's long-term hegemonic position in the region and any prospects for political liberalization.

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New regionalism and globalization have been prominent themes in academic and political debates since the beginning of the 1990s. Despite the considerable amount of scholarly attention that the new regionalism has received in recent years, its full empirical and theoretical potential has yet to be fully investigated. This illuminating study provides an overview of new avenues in theorizing regionalism and proposes a consolidated framework for analysis and comparison. Offering a comparative historical perspective of European and Southeast Asian regionalism, it presents new and imaginative insights into the theory and practice of regionalism and the links between regional developments, globalization and international order. Contents: Introduction; Regionalism and integration theory the first wave: traditional approaches; New regionalism the second wave: towards a framework for comparative regionalism; Regionalism in the EU and ASEAN during the Cold War: the first wave; Second-wave regionalism: the post-Cold War period; Identifying regions: emerging regional identities in Europe and East Asia; Conclusion; Appendix; Bibliography; Index.

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Fisheries conflicts are among the persistent problems affecting the security of food, livelihoods and fishing environments crucial to poor fishing communities in developing countries in South and Southeast Asia. Most conflicts arise from excessive fishing efforts due to increasing population and economic motivations. Conflicts are not all undesirable as some disputes become a catalyst for much needed reforms for policy and economic improvements. However, a framework for analyzing conflicts in fisheries is necessary to organize interventions relevant to the nature of conflicts, and the needs and capacities of fisheries stakeholders in the region. The WorldFish Center, together with research partners, conducted studies that identify a framework for managing fisheries conflicts. Thematic policy recommendations for managing fishing capacity and related conflicts in small-scale fisheries in the region are identified for further consideration by fisheries stakeholders.