984 resultados para Domestic factors
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In this study, we explore the relative importance of the several documented factors in explaining the behaviour of stock returns for a sample of 157 Australian companies over the period 1993–9. In line with prior evidence, we contend that the influence of global (market, industry and currency) factors is related to the extent of a firm's international activity. We find that Australian firms are in large part impacted by domestic factors with the level of sensitivity declining as the level of international activity increases. In contrast to prior literature, we also show that Australian firm returns are related to regional market, global industry and currency factors and the firm's sensitivity to these factors is an increasing function of its level of international activities.
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This paper seeks to explain why the European Union (EU) has had limited influence in Armenia and Azerbaijan in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP). Combining approaches from external governance, norm diffusion and structural foreign policy, it offers an explanation based on domestic factors in the two countries: the political regime, state capacity, political structures, domestic incentives and the perceived legitimacy of EU rules. Although willingness to reform appears to exist in Armenia, such willingness remains constrained by the country’s vulnerable geopolitical location and high dependence on Russia. By contrast, none of the domestic preconditions for EU influence identified by the analytical framework were found in Azerbaijan. The author argues that the Eastern Partnership has not properly addressed the extent to which the clan structures feed into informal political practices and enforce the sustainability of an existing regime in both countries, and that, in addition, the EU has underestimated the multipolar environment which the two countries have to operate in, making it unlikely that the current policy can reach its objectives in Armenia and Azerbaijan.
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With European Monetary Union (EMU), there was an increase in the adjusted spreads (corrected from the foreign exchange risk) of euro participating countries' sovereign securities over Germany and a decrease in those of non-euro countries. The objective of this paper is to study the reasons for this result, and in particular, whether the change in the price assigned by markets was due to domestic factors such as credit risk and/or market liquidity, or to international risk factors. The empirical evidence suggests that market size scale economies have increased since EMU for all European markets, so the effect of the various risk factors, even though it differs between euro and non-euro countries, is always dependent on the size of the market.
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With European Monetary Union (EMU), there was an increase in the adjusted spreads (corrected from the foreign exchange risk) of euro participating countries' sovereign securities over Germany and a decrease in those of non-euro countries. The objective of this paper is to study the reasons for this result, and in particular, whether the change in the price assigned by markets was due to domestic factors such as credit risk and/or market liquidity, or to international risk factors. The empirical evidence suggests that market size scale economies have increased since EMU for all European markets, so the effect of the various risk factors, even though it differs between euro and non-euro countries, is always dependent on the size of the market.
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This article assesses whether changes in government choice for policy concertation with trade unions and employers are better explained by international or domestic factors. We compare patterns of corporatist governance in a strongly Europeanized policy domain (labor migration policy) and in a weakly Europeanized policy domain (welfare state reforms) over the last 20 years in Austria and Switzerland. We show that there is no systematic difference in patterns of concertation between the two policy sectors and that factors linked to party politics play a bigger role in the choice of governments for concertation. If the base of party support for policies is divided, governments are more prone to resort to corporatist concertation as a way to build compromises for potentially controversial or unpopular policies. By contrast, ideologically cohesive majority coalitions are less prone to resort to concertation because they do not need to build compromises outside their base of party support.
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L’Union européenne (UE) se sert principalement d’outils normatifs pour exercer du pouvoir sur la scène internationale, notamment par la promotion de ses propres lois et standards. Le meilleur exemple est l’élargissement de l’UE, processus ayant contribué à stabiliser l'Europe et à transformer les candidats en des démocraties de marché, notamment en promouvant un rapprochement avec les normes européennes en échange d’une perspective d’adhésion à l’UE. La Politique européenne de Voisinage (PEV) utilise les mêmes mécanismes développés lors des élargissements, notamment la promotion de réformes en échange d’incitatifs financiers. Par contre, la PEV n’offre aucune perspective d’adhésion à l’UE aux États qui y participent. Ainsi, plusieurs études ont conclu que cette politique ne pourrait engendrer les réformes escomptées. Bien que la coopération au sein de la PEV ne soit pas aussi fructueuse que lors des élargissements, on remarque que certains pays plus que d’autres ont, malgré l’absence de perspective d’adhésion, fait des changements à leur législation en conformité avec les normes européennes. En comparant la coopération dans le secteur de la Justice et des affaires intérieures en Moldavie et en Ukraine, nous montrons que la différence s’explique par l’importance des facteurs internes des pays concernés, notamment l’existence d’identités nationales contestées et les batailles politiques intérieures portant sur la politique étrangère.
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A modernização da Marinha do Brasil se faz necessária em face de fatores relacionados à obsolescência dos meios, incremento tecnológico e outros incentivos de ordem doméstica e internacional. No caso brasileiro, apesar de haverem diversos programas de reaparelhamento desde a proclamação da república, os programas de maior envergadura e que geraram resultados importantes ocorreram em 1910, 1977 e 2007. O Reaparelhamento da Marinha do Brasil responde principalmente a incentivos de ordem sistêmica e doméstica. A sua efetividade é o principal objetivo de um programa de incremento material, e muito mais do que orientação à defesa da pátria, os objetivos expressos na grande estratégia de um país devem preceder a decisão de repotencialização da Força. O trabalho utiliza a metodologia histórico comparativa, por meio do método denominado Process Tracing. Essa incipiente metodologia permite verificar as evidências ao longo de processos e verificar a hierarquização de cada fator por meio de testes empíricos baseados na minuciosa descrição histórica dos casos. As teorias realistas buscam explicações para o comportamento dos países em relação ao Sistema Internacional. O ambiente anárquico em que se encontram os países definem suas preferências, mas o aspecto doméstico responde fortemente a esses incentivos sistêmicos e justifica as diferentes conduções de políticas externas em ambiente similar. A teoria neoclássica considera os fatores domésticos como intervenientes neste processo. Por meio do modelo desenvolvido por Schweller (2006), este trabalho verificou que o aspecto sistêmico é determinante para o reaparelhamento da Marinha, e no âmbito doméstico o consenso e coesão das elites são necessárias, entretanto a coesão social passou de coadjuvante a uma das condições necessárias a partir do início do século XXI no processo de reaparelhamento.
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Include bibliography
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Incluye Bibliografía
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Includes bibliography
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In this article we study the relationship between security returns cross-listed on the A share market of China and the H share market at the Stock Exchange of Hong Kong (SEHK). Most of these securities are also cross-listed on other markets. An important feature of this article is that we focus on the multilateral relationships between all cross-listed markets rather than concentrating only on the bi-lateral relationship between A and Hong Kong H shares. Using the impulse response functions and the variance decompositions from a Vector Autoregressive (VAR) process we show that the returns to the A share market are almost exclusively determined by domestic factors. In contrast, we find that the H share market is influenced by both the A share market within China and foreign stock markets elsewhere in the world. Impulse response functions suggest that innovations to the A share market and the Hong Kong H share market are partly transmitted to each other and to stock markets outside China. We show that liquidity has an important role to play in determining the impact that the home market has on cross-listed variance decompositions. © 2012 Copyright Taylor and Francis Group, LLC.
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This thesis examines the influence of non-state actors on Polish-German relations by considering foreign policy-making towards Poland in Germany and vice versa. The approach chosen for this thesis is interdisciplinary and takes into consideration literature from domestic politics (Area Studies), Foreign Policy Analysis and International Relations (IR). The thesis argues that IR, by purely looking into the quality of inter-state relations, too often treats these relations as a result of policies emanating from the relevant governments, without considering the policies’ background. Therefore, the thesis argues that it is necessary to engage with the domestic factors which might explain where foreign policies come from. It points out that non-state actors influence governments’ choices by supplying resources, and by cooperating or competing with the government on an issue at stake. In order to determine the degree of influence that non-state actors can have on foreign policymaking two variables are examined: the institutionalisation of the state relations in question; and the domestic structures of the relevant states. Specifically, the thesis examines the institutionalisation of Polish-German relations, and examines Germany’s and Poland’s domestic structures and their effect on the two states’ foreign policy-making in general. Thereafter, the thesis uses case studies in order to unravel the influence of non-state actors on specific foreign policies. Three case studies are examined in detail: (i) Poland’s EU accession negotiations with regard to the free movement of capital chapter of the acquis communautaire; (ii) Germany’s EU 2004 Eastern Enlargement negotiations with regard to the free movement of workers chapter of the acquis communautaire; and (iii) Germany’s decision to establsh a permanent exhibition in Berlin that will depict the expulsions of millions of Germans from the East following WWII.
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The study explored when, under what conditions, and to what extent did European integration, particularly the European Union’s requirement for democratic conditionality, contribute to democratic consolidation in Spain, Poland, and Turkey? On the basis of a four-part definition, the dissertation examined the democratizing impact of European integration process on each of the following four components of consolidation: (i) holding of fair, free and competitive elections, (ii) protection of fundamental rights, including human and minority rights, (iii) high prospects of regime survival and civilian control of the military, and (iv) legitimacy, elite consensus, and stateness. To assess the relative significance of EU’s democratizing leverage, the thesis also examined domestic and non-EU international dynamics of democratic consolidation in the three countries. By employing two qualitative methods (case study and process-tracing), the study focused on three specific time frames: 1977–1986 for Spain, 1994–2004 for Poland, and 1999–present for Turkey. In addition to official documents, newspapers, and secondary sources, face-to-face interviews made with politicians, academics, experts, bureaucrats, and journalists in the three countries were utilized. The thesis generated several conclusions. First of all, the EU’s democratizing impact is not uniform across different components of democratic consolidation. Moreover, the EU’s democratizing leverage in Spain, Poland, and Turkey involved variations over time for three major reasons: (i) the changing nature of EU’s democratic conditionality over time (ii) varying levels of the EU’s credible commitment to the candidate country’s prospect for membership, and (iii) domestic dynamics in the candidate countries. Furthermore, the European integration process favors democratic consolidation but its magnitude is shaped by the candidate country’s prospect for EU membership and domestic factors in the candidate country. Finally, the study involves a major policy implication for the European Union: unless the EU provides a clear prospect for membership, its democratizing leverage will be limited in the candidate countries.
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China’s behavior as a near-monopolist of rare earths has come under increasing scrutiny in recent years. This thesis first examines the underlying causes behind China’s rise to the status of rare-earths near-monopolist, including government support; lax environmental controls; unregulated production; and relatively low costs compared to the rest of the world. Second, the thesis also examines the preeminent international and domestic factors influencing China’s behavior as a near-monopolist of rare earths. International factors include international demand; international trade pressure; international price-setting authority issues; and geopolitical factors. I next identify domestic factors that exert influence over China’s rare earths-related behavior: environmental protection; rare earth resource protection; rare earths industry regulation; and protecting and aiding China’s domestic rare earths industry. The study concludes with a synthesis of the factors influencing China’s rare-earths-related behavior in the overall context of support and direction by China’s Central Government.
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Resumen En el presente artículo se analizaron las principales características de la crisis financiera internacional y los efectos sobre la economía costarricense durante el 2008. Las variables claves objeto de análisis se seleccionaron a partir de las manifestaciones de voceros calificados del Gobierno y de los sectores empresariales. Entre las conclusiones más importantes se obtuvo que los efectos de la crisis financiera internacional fueron relativamente poco significativos y, las principales causas de la contracción de la economía costarricense se encuentran en factores internos, sobre todo ligados a la política cambiaria y crediticia local. Abstract This article analyzes the main features of the international financial crisis and its effects on Costa Rican economy during 2008. The key variables for analysis were selected from statements of qualified spokesmen of the Government and business sectors. Among the most important findings was that the effects of the international financial crisis were not so meaningful, and the main causes of the contraction of the Costa Rican economy are domestic factors, mainly linked to local credit and exchange policies.