976 resultados para Domestic Industry


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No more published after 1874.

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Market liberalization in emerging-market economies and the entry of multinational firms spur significant changes to the industry/institutional environment faced by domestic firms. Prior studies have described how such changes tend to be disruptive to the relatively backward domestic firms, and negatively affect their performance and survival prospects. In this paper, we study how domestic supplier firms may adapt and continue to perform, as market liberalization progresses, through catch-up strategies aimed at integrating with the industry's global value chain. Drawing on internalization theory and the literatures on upgrading and catch-up processes, learning and relational networks, we hypothesize that, for continued performance, domestic supplier firms need to adapt their strategies from catching up initially through technology licensing/collaborations and joint ventures with multinational enterprises (MNEs) to also developing strong customer relationships with downstream firms (especially MNEs). Further, we propose that successful catch-up through these two strategies lays the foundation for a strategy of knowledge creation during the integration of domestic industry with the global value chain. Our analysis of data from the auto components industry in India during the period 1992–2002, that is, the decade since liberalization began in 1991, offers support for our hypotheses.

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We show that incorporating the effects of exchange rate pass-through into a model can help in obtaining superior forecasts of domestic, industry-level inflation. Our analysis is based on a multivariate system of domestic inflation, import prices and exchange rates that incorporates restrictions from economic theory. These are restrictions on the transmission channels of the exchange rate pass-through to domestic prices, and are presented as testable hypotheses that lead to model reduction. We provide the results of various tests, including causality and prior restrictions, which support the underlying economic arguments and the model we use. The forecasting results for our model suggest that it has a superior performance overall, jointly producing more accurate forecasts of domestic inflation.

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The origins of the Welland County Fair date back to the founding of the County of Welland in 1852. A provincial charter was issued in 1853 to create the Welland County Agricultural Society that was to operate the Fair. In 1970, the Welland County Fair became the Niagara Regional Exhibition, and the Society became known as the Niagara Regional Agriculture Society. The Society seeks to “encourage interest, promote improvements in and advance the standards of agriculture, domestic industry and rural life”. The Welland Festival of Arts was developed in 1986 in order to revitalize the town’s economy. An “outdoor art gallery” was created by painting murals on buildings that depicted the town’s heritage, a concept successfully adopted by the town of Chemainus, B.C. The first mural was completed in the summer of 1988, and by 1991 there were a total of 28 murals around the city. The endeavour proved successful: in the years that followed the creation of the Festival, two new hotels were constructed, a third was expanded, and there was an addition to the Seaway Mall to accommodate the increased tourist traffic. Optimist International is a non-profit organization that strives to “bring out the best in kids” . The first Canadian club was formed in Toronto in 1924. The Welland branch of the Optimist Club was founded in 1937. The first Welland County General Hospital opened in 1908. As the population increased, it became necessary to expand the existing facilities. Additions were made to the original structure with an East wing in 1930 and a children’s ward in 1931. However, in the 1950’s, the hospital was operating beyond optimum capacity and the need for a larger facility was clear. It was decided that a new hospital would be built, which opened in April 1960. The new hospital had 259 beds and 51 bassinets. Further additions were made in 1967 and 1978. The County of Welland was formed in 1850 when it was officially separated from Lincoln County, however, the two counties continued to operate together until 1856 when a new County building and jail for Welland County were completed. That same year, the first meeting of the Council of the Corporation of Welland County took place. The final meeting of the Council took place on December 18, 1969. The following year, the County of Welland merged with Lincoln County to form the Regional Municipality of Niagara. The Welland Mills in Thorold, Ont., was built in 1846-1847 by Jacob Keefer and is thought to have been one of the largest flour mills in Upper Canada. Ownership of the mill changed several times over the years and previous owners include the Howland family, the Hedley Shaw Milling Company and the Maple Leaf Milling Company. In 1986, the building received a heritage plaque from the Ontario Heritage Foundation, an agency of the Ontario Ministry of Culture and Recreation. At this time, the mill was no longer in operation and was being used for storage by Fraser, Inc. By 2006, the dilapidated building had been redeveloped into18 apartments and 2 floors of commercial space, while maintaining many heritage features. The building is currently known as the Welland Mills Centre.

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Las tiendas de barrio en Colombia como canales de distribución aún representan oportunidades de crecimiento en algunas categorías, ya que se convirtieron en una herramienta de captación de capital, oportunidad de trabajo y apoyo a la industria nacional, al brindar mejoras en el acceso de productos, asequibilidad en precios y una relación interpersonal más cercana e intima entre tendero y consumidor; situación que no se evidencia con los almacenes mayoristas, que pese a su aparición y auge, no lograron eliminar a las ya consolidadas “tiendas de barrio” , aún cuando se había pronosticado el final de dichos establecimientos de comercio con la aparición de grandes cadenas como Carrefour, ÉXITO, CAFAM y Makro. De igual manera, la existencia de factores estratégicos como la ubicación, la amabilidad, el crédito que otorgan a sus clientes, la dosis precisa del producto en una presentación de bajo desembolso, la amistad y el trato personalizado, han permitido que las tiendas de barrio continúen manteniendo una fortaleza a nivel económico, cultural y comercial en Colombia. Por otro lado cabe destacar que las grandes superficies cuentan con mayor capital, mejor mercadeo y ventas, mejores prácticas logísticas, aliados internacionales y un bajo nivel de agotados, factores que sin duda atraen a clientes pertenecientes a los estratos económicos más altos, pero también implica el no acceso de sectores populares, que compiten entre el precio y la calidad, primando siempre el primero. La afluencia de las tiendas de barrio no es otra cosa que la combinación de factores económicos tales como la inflación y las tasas de desempleo que según cifras oficiales han venido aumentando en la última década, situación que lleva a los consumidores a querer acceder a las tiendas de barrio, pues los clientes no siempre cuentan con la cantidad de dinero suficiente para adquirir sus productos en las grandes superficies, tal como sucede en la Localidad de La Candelaria que cuenta con un alto número de población flotante, en donde el consumo per cápita y la capacidad de endeudamiento de los consumidores no alcanza para acceder a Almacenes de Cadena y sí a la modesta pero cómoda compra en las tiendas de barrio. Es a partir de esta situación que los proveedores (especialmente los dedicados a los productos de consumo) deciden cambiar la visión y el modus operandi de sus modelos de negocios tradicionales a una visión que busca la expansión rentable de los negocios de la empresa adaptándose a la economía de sus clientes y generando riqueza entre los sectores más pobres de la sociedad, es decir, enfocándose en el segmento de las personas con menos recursos. De esta manera las grandes empresas se convierten en empresas aliadas del sector tradicional.

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Con base en el análisis realizado a las diferentes teorías de internacionalización desarrolladas a lo largo de la historia y el estudio del proceso de internacionalización de una de las más grandes multinacionales consolidadas en el sector de panadería, pastelería y galletería industrial a nivel mundial, la empresa mexicana Bimbo; el presente trabajo hace una serie de recomendaciones sobre cuál es la ruta y el mejor método que deben considerar las dos empresas más importantes de Colombia en el sector, Productos Ramo y Comapán, con el objetivo de potencializar sus respectivas exportaciones con éxito y lograr fortalecer la industria nacional.

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El presente documento tiene como objetivo general analizar la situación de la logística y la competitividad en Colombia a partir de la intervención del gobierno en el periodo del 2008 a 2013 sobre los sectores más importantes del país frente al comercio internacional. Para el desarrollo de este trabajo se establecerán las necesidades específicas de cada sector frente a la participación activa del gobierno. De acuerdo a lo anterior, se presentara un análisis global del perfil logístico del sector agrícola, del sector textil, del sector del papel, del sector de hidrocarburos, el farmacéutico y del sector minero. Además se expondrán las problemáticas de cada sector y las políticas frente a los tratados de libre comercio en los que Colombia participa actualmente. Consecuentemente, se analizara el estado de la infraestructura nacional y como esta afecta al desarrollo logístico de país. La metodología que se desarrolló para este trabajo concibe una documentación teórica con fuentes primarias y secundarias del sector, opiniones públicas, e indicadores tales como el de desempeño logístico generado por el banco mundial y la facilidad para hacer negocios (doing business) y el índice global de competitividad.

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This present study analyses the Regulation on Chemicals of the European Union – so called REACH, and some of its main features. Technical barriers to trade have become the new instrument of distorting international trade benefits and creating protection for domestic industry, on the basis of protection of human health and the environment. It aims at identifying REACH’s most primary and controversial element and its consistency under the World Trade Organization System, in context of the Agreement on Technical Barriers to Trade

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Industrial development experienced by Brazil from the 1950s, changed the concentration of population in the country. The process of development of domestic industry, concentrated in urban areas, crowded growing portion of the population.The Southeast region during the first stage of industrialization driven by the state, with the implementation of Plan goals, captained the major industrial projects implemented in the period and became the main industrial center of the country.In the decade from 1960 to 1980 the state action was marked by numerous regional development projects, softening the industrial concentration and Brazilian investment redirected to the Northeast.The second National Development Plan implemented in the 1970s led to major investments Northeast.This period marked the widespread urban growth and institutionalization of the first metropolitan areas in Brazil.The change of this developmental process is altered with the fiscal and financial crisis of the state in the 1980s and 1990s and spending cuts aimed at national development, reorienting the economy to liberal policies of economic liberalization and reduction of activity in the economy.Industrial policy was relegated to local development plans from the 1990s to the federating units fitting the wide use of tax incentives, the "war tax" to the continued industrialization process.In this context of the national economy work seeks to analyze the industrial setting in the metropolitan areas of Fortaleza, Recife and Salvador between 1995 and 2010.Although the metropolitan areas of Fortaleza, Recife and Salvador are the main urban centers of the Northeast, responsible for the advancement of industrial development, reconfigurations occurred between 1995 and 2010 by changing the level of industrial specialization built by regional division of labor in these regions.The work will be carried out by the method of descriptive analysis of the literature review on regional and urban development.Constitute quantitative method as the secondary data analysis of formal employment from the Annual Social Information (RAIS) Ministry of Labour and Employment (MTE).Using data RAIS / MTE analyzes the industrial specialization index using the Locational Quotient (LQ).Thus, it is assumed as a parameter analysis QL> 1, when the region has become specialized in a particular sector or QL <1, when the region does not have expertise in industrial sector analyzed.The conclusion of study indicates that there was in these metropolitan areas maintained the same bias hub.Fiscal policies, the states, was not successful in diversifying the productive structure and the Northeast region itself.This result is demonstrated by the need and dependence on state investments in the region to promote development.Industrial policies of recent years have been positive to meet the objectives of employment generation, but there must be specific policies for better diversification of production, in addition to integrating the economy of the Northeast sector and regionally

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The strengthening of the domestic industry in Brazil required the modernization, mechanization and expansion of salt production. Thereafter the production of sea salt started to be made in a process of continuous flow, where the product is constantly stored in yards, with daily movements in and out of salt. Thus far, the major bottleneck found in this production process is the control of production, because due to the large amount produced and variety of losses existing in the various stages of production there are not a regulated and safe way to control inventories with accuracy and speed demanded. In a typical case with a salt marsh company of Rio Grande do Norte state, salt produced is stored in two open courtyards and inventory control of salt made by carrying input / output relationship of salt in each storage yard. This work developed a conceptual model of inventory control, based on topography, adopting surveys into one of the courtyards of the company. There were 25 biweekly survey measurements over a year book to generate digital models representing the stock. For each measurement, results were compared with the values of inventory accounting provided by the salt marsh in order to identify existing losses and mark out the sales department on the actual stock available at each measurement date. Inventories calculated by the model indicated losses of 6,349 tonnes for the period of one year book and 3,279 tonnes for the period between harvests, when compared to the accounting control