940 resultados para Discursive practices. Governmentality


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This article focuses on the “social side” of pseudonymity—on how writers and readers compete to influence the critical destiny of a pseudonymous work. By analyzing pseudonymity and attribution in both the specific context of Voltaire’s 1760 staging of the play, Le café ou l’écossaise, and in larger debates in the emerging fields of anonymity, pseudonymity, and attribution studies, I hope to show how literary scholars at present can address the individuality of each pseudonymous case while not letting go of trans-historical, general problems of anonymous strategies. Voltaire’s use of multiple pseudonyms before and after releasing L’Ecossaise, a comédie sérieuse in which Voltaire attacks his enemy Elie-Cathérine Fréron, supports his philosophe friends at a crucial moment in history, and exemplifies his emerging taste for serious comedy and British drama calls into question traditional takes on pseudonymity, anonymity, and attribution by refusing to fit into the binary arguments of anonymous vs. attributed and authorial intent vs. the reader’s control.

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How do organizations discursively negotiate organizational identity? In a longitudinal interpretive case study, we investigate the discursive practices of identity negotiations in a non-profit organization. Drawing on semi-structured interviews, documents and participant observations, and in applying a discourse analytical framework, we first identify three distinct discourses that provide the discursive resources for three different identity propositions. Then and in order to understand how these discursive resources are activated and utilized, we reconstruct four distinct discursive practices of organizational identity negotiations: (1) external comparison and differentiation (2) denial of trade-offs and harmonization (3) historization, and (4) moralization. We discuss how this structure relates to other similarly pluralistic organizational contexts.

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This present thesis has the object to study the discursive constitution the teacher s subjectivities of practice permeating the sections of the magazine Nova Escola between the years 2000-2005. Problematizes how the teacher s subjectivities are produced facing the discourse of truth, which effects establishes a program for autonomist professional development in a perspective of neo-liberal governmentality. Then from this uneasiness arises some requisite questions: in the new century how teacher s subjectivities are discursively produced in magazine s sections Nova Escola during those five years of governmentality? In which perspective the discourses throughout government documents in related with professional development reflect in the linguistic-discursive repertories adopted by Nova Escola? How the experts belonging to the cadre from and/or guests from the magazine, seeking equip discursive the teacher s subjectivities for the XXI Century? Therefore, this paper objective is to examine the linguistics strategies used to produce these subjectivities at magazine s sections, what it admittedly teaches another method how to be teacher; and also it analyzes the discursive practices that compound and set boundaries to the autonomist professional development proposed by sections the magazine; describe technologies used by experts to equip and conduct of conduct the teacher to govern the self. This research is inserted theoretically in the field of Applied Linguistis, to the Cultural Studies and about the contribution of Michel Foucault s theories and methodologically in the perspective discursive interpretative. The results seek to show that the teacher s subjectivities are produced by many technologies of the self, traversed by government discourses and ratified by discursive practices of the magazine s experts. That discourse, without any oppressing or authoritarian connotation, opens space for practice of Freedom and self guiding to both constitute the subjectivity process of the teacher in the XXI Century s path

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Discourses of public education reform, like that exemplified within the Queensland Government’s future vision document, Queensland State Education-2010 (QSE-2010), position schooling as a panacea to pervasive social instability and a means to achieve a new consensus. However, in unravelling the many conflicting statements that conjoin to form education policy and inform related literature (Ball, 1993), it becomes clear that education reform discourse is polyvalent (Foucault, 1977). Alongside visionary statements that speak of public education as a vehicle for social justice are the (re)visionary or those reflecting neoliberal individualism and a conservative politics. In this paper, it is argued that the latter coagulate to form strategic discursive practices which work to (re)secure dominant relations of power. Further, discussion of the characteristics needed by the “ideal” future citizen of Queensland reflect efforts to ‘tame change through the making of the child’ (Popkewitz, 2004, p.201). The casualties of this (re)vision and the refusal to investigate the pathologies of “traditional” schooling are the children who, for whatever reason, do not conform to the norm of the desired school child as an “ideal” citizen-in-the-making and who become relegated to alternative educational settings.

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In this paper, we argue that by examining the discursive elements in strategy talk we can contribute to our understanding of the myriad of microprocesses and practices that make up strategies. We focus on airline alliances as a particularly illustrative case. Based on a critical discourse analysis of an extensive material of strategy talk on airline alliances, we point to five types of discursive practices that characterize strategizing in this context in 1995–2000: (1) problematization of traditional strategies; (2) rationalization, objectification and factualization of alliance benefits; (3) fixation of ambiguous independence concerns; (4) reframing of cooperation problems as ‘implementation’ issues; and (5) naturalization of alliance strategies. While we want to emphasize the context-specificity of these practices, we claim that similar types of discursive practices are also likely to be an inherent part of strategizing in other settings.

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This paper explores the extent to which film can be viewed as a discursive practice and as such the extent to which it can be seen as an element central to the essence of technology more universally defined. Our analysis of recurring visual and narrative motifs and metaphors around the representation of technology in specific films will consider how these representations are part of wider discursive practices around conceptualising technology.

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Este trabalho apresenta uma análise genealógica foucaultiana das práticas discursivas e de poder dirigidas a trabalhadores, sobretudo, rurais, que constituirão o objeto ―trabalho escravo‖. Partimos das diferentes nomenclaturas que são utilizadas para descrever as práticas de exploração dos trabalhadores, no Brasil, para darmos visibilidade aos diferentes campos de luta que se materializam na objetivação e subsequente subjetivação desses trabalhadores. Trabalhamos com a hipótese de que existe nesse jogo de poder-saber disputas que implicam em práticas de governamentalização e de mecanismos biopolíticos disparados por diversos segmentos que são convidados a arbitrar sobre a vida das pessoas, por meio do âmbito do trabalho. Cada nomenclatura assim, ocuparia uma posição estratégica, afim de ―defender‖, ―representar‖, o lugar de saber do qual fala. Essas disputas culminam na produção de documentos, dentre os quais alguns foram escolhidos para serem analisados nesse trabalho dissertativo. São documentos de âmbito internacional e nacional, a fim de que fosse problematizada essas práticas em dois níveis, já que percebe-se que ambos se interpolam e por vezes se completam na criação de estratégias e táticas agenciadas para o cuidado e gestão dos trabalhadores. Assim, verificou-se por meio de séries recortadas ao longo dos documentos que cresce uma demanda cada vez maior de pedido de punição aos considerados culpados em realizar as práticas de exploração, e dentre outras séries levantadas, há uma ampliação de um complexo tutelar, que começa a ser incentivado para o controle e vigilância dos trabalhadores, estimulados por organismos internacionais como a Organização Internacional do Trabalho, e outros movimentos e grupos da sociedade civil, que ajudam na produção de políticas públicas que muitas vezes acabam funcionando como uma forma de controlar os riscos a que possivelmente esses trabalhadores estejam submetidos, utilizam-se da estatística para justificar suas intervenções. Tem-se verificado, portanto, que um paradoxo de biopoder atravessa essas práticas, inserindo-as em um campo de gestão e controle da vida, onde se questiona se de fato os direitos e a dignidade humana dessas pessoas são levadas em consideração ou apenas ocupam um lugar dentro do campo dos acontecimentos possíveis que devem ser controlados por práticas de governamentalidade? Finalizamos tentando articular essas questões à produção de nomes utilizados para descrever as práticas de exploração dos trabalhadores, inserindo-os em estratégias de governo da população.

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O modelo de formação de professores brasileiro refere-se à democratização do país e as mudanças sociais alavancadas na década de 1980, tendo como marco legal a Constituição de 1988 e as reformas educacionais e curriculares que a sucederam. Este trabalho constitui-se em uma análise arqueogenealógica foucaultiana das práticas discursivas arquitetadas sobre o curso de Pedagogia do Plano Nacional de Formação de Professores da Educação Básica (PARFOR) do Campus Universitário de Bragança – Universidade Federal do Pará (UFPA). Partimos do estudo arqueológico das emergências históricas da formação de professores para localizarmos e darmos visibilidade a arena da formação docente como contingência contemporânea advinda de forças capilares que objetivam e, ao mesmo tempo, subjetivam o professor em formação. Sustentamo-nos na hipótese de que habitam, nesse jogo de saber-poder, tramas de subjetivação corporificadas no currículo sob em práticas de governamentalização. Tais tramas, por sua vez, culminam na produção de documentos dentre os quais alguns foram escolhidos para compor a análise crítica desse trabalho. Desse modo, objetivamos problematizar a formação enquanto fabricação do aluno PARFOR-Pedagogia, com ênfase no currículo elaborado pelo Campus de Bragança/UFPA visando percebê-lo em sua articulação com determinadas urgências de formação e regulação de professores. A pesquisa teve como fonte documentos que instalam a política de formação de professores no país, encarando-os como monumentos com efeitos na objetivação e subjetivação dos sujeitos, e formação de professores como prática histórica e dispositivo estratégico de governamentalidade. Organizando-se os documentos em subarquivos, a análise foi conduzida pela problematização – arqueológica e genealógica de Michel Foucault, articulada aos dispositivos de Gilles Deleuze e às práticas históricas de Paul Veyne. Fincado como ação afirmativa e conectado ao rol das políticas educacionais contemporâneas, o PARFOR apesar de ter impulsionado a formação em serviço, os sujeitos que dele fazem parte são objetivados ainda por prescrições curriculares destacadamente disciplinares e generalistas, descritas paradoxalmente no Projeto Pedagógico do Curso de Pedagogia e nos Planos de Curso como estratégia interdisciplinar de formação de professores. Concomitante a isso, os sujeitos são subjetivados por um devir minoritário em função do modelo estrutural que a política foi arquitetada, exercendo seu poder por práticas de resistência. De acordo com as práticas analisadas nesse estudo, o PARFOR-Pedagogia do Campus de Bragança/UFPA é fabricado por tramas históricas de subjetivação, as quais se sustentam tanto na govenamentalidade quanto em estratégias biopolíticas acionadas por dispositivos curriculares que forjam e ao mesmo tempo são forjados pelos jogos de saber-poder-resistência.

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This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan's national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce "postwar Japan" as an identity distinct from "wartime imperial Japan" or from "defeated, emasculated Japan" and, thus, hoped to emerge as a "reborn" moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created "others" who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked ("old Japan"). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical "others," and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan's foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.

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This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan’s national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce “postwar Japan” as an identity distinct from “wartime imperial Japan” or from “defeated, emasculated Japan” and, thus, hoped to emerge as a “reborn” moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created “others” who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked (“old Japan”). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical “others,” and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan’s foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.

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This paper aims to discuss some points on the concept of discursive formation’s formulation and application. I elaborate my point by putting in relation three French texts equally stated in Brazilian soil. Jean-Jacques Courtine, Jacques Guilhaumou and Dominique Maingueneau separately wrote each one of these three texts. Moreover, I have not randomly chosen their names: they are three authors who constitute concepts across theoretical formulations of Discourse Analysis in France, and, because of that, they are often cited in order to keep this area of knowledge in Brazil. So that my argument is justified by the need of analyzing, throughout the meeting of those three statements, an attempt to define the current status of the concept of discursive formation to the historical a priori for the Discourse Analysis’ discourse in Brazil. In order to be guaranteed of some theoretical approach, I turn my attention to the famous conference by Michel Foucault (1971), L’ordre du discours, in which he exposes four principles to examine the statement’s function of existence: specificity, inversion, discontinuity, and exteriority. Underlining the principle of specificity of a statement through the series of statements, I aim to demonstrate that a concept’s circulation does not depend on an ontological truth, or on a founding text, or on the specificity of a father; it is determined by the will to truth, which offers historical conditions to the underlying discursive practices.

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In 2009, Religious Education is a designated key learning area in Catholic schools in the Archdiocese of Brisbane and, indeed, across Australia. Over the years, though, different conceptualisations of the nature and purpose of religious education have led to the construction of different approaches to the classroom teaching of religion. By investigating the development of religious education policy in the Archdiocese of Brisbane from 1984 to 2003, the study seeks to trace the emergence of new discourses on religious education. The study understands religious education to refer to a lifelong process that occurs through a variety of forms (Moran, 1989). In Catholic schools, it refers both to co-curricula activities, such as retreats and school liturgies, and the classroom teaching of religion. It is the policy framework for the classroom teaching of religion that this study explores. The research was undertaken using a policy case study approach to gain a detailed understanding of how new conceptualisations of religious education emerged at a particular site of policy production, in this case, the Archdiocese of Brisbane. The study draws upon Yeatman’s (1998) description of policy as occurring “when social actors think about what they are doing and why in relation to different and alternative possible futures” (p. 19) and views policy as consisting of more than texts themselves. Policy texts result from struggles over meaning (Taylor, 2004) in which specific discourses are mobilised to support particular views. The study has a particular interest in the analysis of Brisbane religious education policy texts, the discursive practices that surrounded them, and the contexts in which they arose. Policy texts are conceptualised in the study as representing “temporary settlements” (Gale, 1999). Such settlements are asymmetrical, temporary and dependent on context: asymmetrical in that dominant actors are favoured; temporary because dominant actors are always under challenge by other actors in the policy arena; and context - dependent because new situations require new settlements. To investigate the official policy documents, the study used Critical Discourse Analysis (hereafter referred to as CDA) as a research tool that affords the opportunity for researchers to map and chart the emergence of new discourses within the policy arena. As developed by Fairclough (2001), CDA is a three-dimensional application of critical analysis to language. In the Brisbane religious education arena, policy texts formed a genre chain (Fairclough, 2004; Taylor, 2004) which was a focus of the study. There are two features of texts that form genre chains: texts are systematically linked to one another; and, systematic relations of recontextualisation exist between the texts. Fairclough’s (2005) concepts of “imaginary space” and “frameworks for action” (p. 65) within the policy arena were applied to the Brisbane policy arena to investigate the relationship between policy statements and subsequent guidelines documents. Five key findings emerged from the study. First, application of CDA to policy documents revealed that a fundamental reconceptualisation of the nature and purpose of classroom religious education in Catholic schools occurred in the Brisbane policy arena over the last twenty-five years. Second, a disjuncture existed between catechetical discourses that continued to shape religious education policy statements, and educational discourses that increasingly shaped guidelines documents. Third, recontextualisation between policy documents was evident and dependent on the particular context in which religious education occurred. Fourth, at subsequent links in the chain, actors created their own “imaginary space”, thereby altering orders of discourse within the policy arena, with different actors being either foregrounded or marginalised. Fifth, intertextuality was more evident in the later links in the genre chain (i.e. 1994 policy statement and 1997 guidelines document) than in earlier documents. On the basis of the findings of the study, six recommendations are made. First, the institutional Church should carefully consider the contribution that the Catholic school can make to the overall pastoral mission of the diocese in twenty-first century Australia. Second, policymakers should articulate a nuanced understanding of the relationship between catechesis and education with regard to the religion classroom. Third, there should be greater awareness of the connections among policies relating to Catholic schools – especially the connection between enrolment policy and religious education policy. Fourth, there should be greater consistency between policy documents. Fifth, policy documents should be helpful for those to whom they are directed (i.e. Catholic schools, teachers). Sixth, “imaginary space” (Fairclough, 2005) in policy documents needs to be constructed in a way that allows for multiple “frameworks for action” (Fairclough, 2005) through recontextualisation. The findings of this study are significant in a number of ways. For religious educators, the study highlights the need to develop a shared understanding of the nature and purpose of classroom religious education. It argues that this understanding must take into account the multifaith nature of Australian society and the changing social composition of Catholic schools themselves. Greater recognition should be given to the contribution that religious studies courses such as Study of Religion make to the overall religious development of a person. In view of the social composition of Catholic schools, there is also an issue of ecclesiological significance concerning the conceptualisation of the relationship between the institutional Catholic Church and Catholic schools. Finally, the study is of significance because of its application of CDA to religious education policy documents. Use of CDA reveals the foregrounding, marginalising, or excluding of various actors in the policy arena.

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This paper traces historical changes in the concept of citizenship, in order to show how it has shifted from a state enterprise to a form of self-organising, user-created, ludic association, modelled by online social networks in which children - formally non-citizens but crucial to the continuing and changing discursive practices of citizenship-formation - are active agents. The implications of this 'silly' citizenship for communication scholarship are considered.