964 resultados para Discourse of the Collective Subject (DCS)
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Objective: To assess the impact of surgical treatment in the sexuality of the obese.Methods: We conducted a qualitative / quantitative research with 30 patients who had undergone Fobi-Capella Roux-Y gastric bypass for at least one year. We collected data through individual interviews using a questionnaire with 10 mixed questions and one open, between May and June 2011. The objective data were quantified in absolute numbers and percentages, and the subjective ones were analyzed using the Discourse of the Collective Subject (DCS) and discussed in view of reference published on the subject.Results: 30 patients were enrolled, with a mean age 44 ± 12 years, 24 (80%) were female and six (20%) were male, 23 (77%) were married, 23 (96%) were hypertensive and eight (33%) were diagnosed with Diabetes Mellitus. After the operation, 11 (37%) individuals reported no change in the number sexual intercourses, but 19 (63%) reported that this number was altered, 16 (53%) informed increased frequency, one (3%) reported a decrease in frequency, one (3%) did not practice sexual intercourse anymore and one (3%) did not report the frequency. The central ideas (CI) raised originated four DCSs: Experience of female sexuality; No experience of female sexuality; Experience of male sexuality; and improvements of comorbidities and psychological factor.Conclusion: there are positive repercussions of physical and emotional orders of the surgical treatment of obesity, favoring the quality of life, including sexuality.
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Objective: to address the social aspects of pregnancy and the views of pregnant women regarding prenatal assistance in Brazil. Design: this qualitative study was focused on describing the Social Representations of prenatal care held by pregnant women. The discourse of the collective subject (DCS) framework was used to analyse the data collected, within the theoretical background of social representations, as proposed and developed by Serge Moscovici. Participants and setting: 21 pregnant women who were users of the publicly funded Brazilian unified health-care system and resided in the area served by its family health programme in a low- to middle-income neighbourhood on the outskirts of Campo Grande, the capital of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul, in southwestern Brazil. Data were collected by conducting in-depth, face-to-face interviews from January to October 2006. Findings: all participants were married. Formal education of the participants was less than five years in four cases, between five and eight years in six cases, and greater than 11 years in 10 cases. Nine participants had informal jobs and earned up to US$ 200 per month, four paricipants had administrative jobs and earned over US$ 500 per month, and eight participants did not work. No specific racial/ethnic background predominated. Lack of adherence to prenatal care allowed for the identification of two DCS themes: `organisation of prenatal care services` and `lifestyle features`. Key conclusions: the respondents were found to have negative feelings about pregnancy which manifest as many fears, including the fear of harming their children`s health, of being punished during labour, and of being reprimanded by health-care professionals for overlooking their prenatal care, in addition to the insecurity felt towards the infant and self. Implications for practice: the findings reveal that communication between pregnant women and healthcare professionals has been ineffective and that prenatal care has not been effective for the group interviewed-features that are likely to be found among other low- to middle-income groups living elsewhere in Brazil. (C) 2009 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
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The aim was to identify the perception of Oral Health Planning (OHP) of basic care (BC) dental surgeons (DSs) in João Pessoa, Paraíba State, Brazil. Seventeen BC DSs from João Pessoa were interviewed. A qualitative analysis was performed using the Discourse of the Collective Subject (DCS) methodology. DCS obtained: Impact - My work is effective when the user's need remains at the BC. Social Control - The population participates in the organization of promotional activities, but I think it doesn't have enough maturity to opine on OHP. OHP Basis and Organization - The OHP has a diverse organization and is based on user needs. It can be concluded that the knowledge of the DSs on OHP is varied. There is limited understanding about problem-solving. Social control is considered incipient and weak. It is understood that the organization of the local OHP assumes a diverse character and should be based on user demands.
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This study quantifies fifth year medical students' knowledge after their participation in a basic clinical integration activity of psychiatry and pharmacology and investigates their opinions on the importance of the activity. A quali-quantitative study was performed using pre- and post-test assessment (multiple choice) and linguistic content analysis using the Discourse of the Collective Subject (DCS) technique. A significant increase in the percentage of correct answers in the post-test assessment was found compared to pre-test (p <0.001). The central ideas obtained from the DCS content analysis were: very relevant activity; expansion of the activity to other internships; difficulty in basic disciplines; application of cognitive assessment; and teacher's active participation in discussions. These results suggest that integration between pharmacology and the practical intern activities in psychiatry allowed pharmacological concepts to be broadened, rendering the learning meaningful. Although students identified the need for better organization of the activity, its the level of acceptance was verbalised through the suggestion that it could be extended to the other fifth year internships.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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A questão relacional na área da saúde envolve o imaginário sociocultural. Nos casos de mulheres com câncer de mama, denota um caráter emergencial em virtude do elevado número de ocorrências ou pela falta de percepção feminina da doença, o que dificulta a prevenção e o tratamento em tempo hábil. Este estudo pretende analisar como e de que maneira ocorrem e repercutem as práticas discursivas entre os profissionais da saúde e as pacientes com câncer de mama. Para isso, delineamos como pressupostos teóricos as barreiras da comunicação, seja interpessoal, intrapessoal e não verbal. A metodologia foi com base na Teoria das Representações Sociais de Serge Moscovici e no Discurso do Sujeito Coletivo (DSC) de Ana Maria Cavalcanti Lefévre e Fernando Lefévre. Nas análises dos relatos das mulheres com câncer de mama, identificamos conflitos de ordem sociocultural, como crenças, valores pessoais, estereótipos, enfim, distorções provenientes do senso comum e do imaginário coletivo, disseminadas nas representações da doença levadas a público pela mídia em geral. Nas considerações finais, constatamos que tais representações (estigmas sociais) interferem na relação com os profissionais de saúde, influenciando, assim, a adesão ao tratamento da doença. Os aspectos comunicacionais são aqui apontados de maneira tácita.
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Since the arrival of the first African slaves to Cuba in 1524, the issue of race has had a long-lived presence in the Cuban national discourse. However, despite Cuba’s colonial history, it has often been maintained by some historians that race relations in Cuba were congenial with racism and racial discrimination never existing as deep or widespread in Cuba as in the United States (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). In fact, it has been argued that institutionalized racism was introduced into Cuban society with the first U.S. occupation, during 1898–1902 (Cannon, 1983, p. 113). This study of Cuba investigates the influence of the United States on the development of race relations and racial perceptions in post-independent Cuba, specifically from 1898-1902. These years comprise the time period immediately following the final fight for Cuban Independence, culminating with the Cuban-Spanish-American War and the first U.S. occupation of Cuba. By this time, the Cuban population comprised Africans as well as descendants of Africans, White Spanish people, indigenous Cubans, and offspring of the intermixing of the groups. This research studies whether the United States’ own race relations and racial perceptions influenced the initial conflicting race relations and racial perceptions in early and post-U.S. occupation Cuba. This study uses a collective interpretative framework that incorporates a national level of analysis with a race relations and racial perceptions focus. This framework reaches beyond the traditionally utilized perspectives when interpreting the impact of the United States during and following its intervention in Cuba. Attention is given to the role of the existing social, political climate within the United States as a driving influence of the United States’ involvement with Cuba. This study reveals that emphasis on the role of the United States as critical to the development of Cuba’s race relations and racial perceptions is credible given the extensive involvement of the U.S. in the building of the early Cuban Republic and U.S. structures serving as models for reconstruction. U.S. government formation in Cuba aligned with a governing system reflecting the existing governing codes of the U.S. during that time period.
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This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.
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This article studies alterations in the values, attitudes, and behaviors that emerged among U.S. citizens as a consequence of, and as a response to, the attacks of September 11, 2001. The study briefly examines the immediate reaction to the attack, before focusing on the collective reactions that characterized the behavior of the majority of the population between the events of 9/11 and the response to it in the form of intervention in Afghanistan. In studying this period an eight-phase sequential model (Botcharova, 2001) is used, where the initial phases center on the nation as the ingroup and the latter focus on the enemy who carried out the attack as the outgroup. The study is conducted from a psychosocial perspective and uses "social identity theory" (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986) as the basic framework for interpreting and accounting for the collective reactions recorded. The main purpose of this paper is to show that the interpretation of these collective reactions is consistent with the postulates of social identity theory. The application of this theory provides a different and specific analysis of events. The study is based on data obtained from a variety of rigorous academic studies and opinion polls conducted in relation to the events of 9/11. In line with social identity theory, 9/11 had a marked impact on the importance attached by the majority of U.S. citizens to their identity as members of a nation. This in turn accentuated group differentiation and activated ingroup favoritism and outgroup discrimination (Tajfel & Turner, 1979, 1986). Ingroup favoritism strengthened group cohesion, feelings of solidarity, and identification with the most emblematic values of the U.S. nation, while outgroup discrimination induced U.S. citizens to conceive the enemy (al-Qaeda and its protectors) as the incarnation of evil, depersonalizing the group and venting their anger on it, and to give their backing to a military response, the eventual intervention in Afghanistan. Finally, and also in line with the postulates of social identity theory, as an alternative to the virtual bipolarization of the conflict (U.S. vs al-Qaeda), the activation of a higher level of identity in the ingroup is proposed, a group that includes the United States and the largest possible number of countries¿ including Islamic states¿in the search for a common, more legitimate and effective solution.