972 resultados para Development discourse
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Japan has been a major actor in the field of development cooperation for five decades, even holding the title of largest donor of Official Development Assistance (ODA) during the 1990s. Financial flows, however, are subject to pre-existing paradigms that dictate both donor and recipient behaviour. In this respect Japan has been left wanting for more recognition. The dominance of the so called ‘Washington Consensus’ embodied in the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank has long circumvented any indigenous approaches to development problems. The Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) is a development cooperation conference that Japan has hosted since 1993 every five years. As the main organizer of the conference Japan has opted for the leading position of African development. This has come in the wake of success in the Asian region where Japan has called attention to its role in the so called ‘Asian Miracle’ of fast growing economies. These aspirations have enabled Japan to try asserting itself as a major player in directing the course of global development discourse using historical narratives from both Asia and Africa. Over the years TICAD has evolved into a continuous process with ministerial and follow-up meetings in between conferences. Each conference has produced a declaration that stipulates the way the participants approach the question of African development. Although a multilateral framework, Japan has over the years made its presence more and more felt within the process. This research examines the way Japan approaches the paradigms of international development cooperation and tries to direct them in the context of the TICAD process. Supplementing these questions are inquiries concerning Japan’s foreign policy aspirations. The research shows that Japan has utilized the conference platform to contest other development actors and especially the dominant forces of the IMF and the World Bank in development discourse debate. Japan’s dominance of the process is evident in the narratives found in the conference documents. Relative success has come about by remaining consistent as shown by the acceptance of items from the TICAD agenda in other forums, such as the G8. But the emergence of new players such as China has changed the playing field, as they are engaging other developing countries from a more equal level.
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With their accession to the European Union, twelve new countries - Romania among them - (re)entered the international community of international donors. In the history of development aid this can be seen as a unique event: it is for the first time in history that such a large number of countries become international donors, with such short notice and in such a particular context that sees some scholars announcing the ‘death’ of development. But in spite of what might be claimed regarding the ‘end’ of the development era, development discourse seems to be rather vigorous and in good health: it is able to extert an undeniable force of attraction over the twelve countries that, in a matter of years, have already convinced themselves of its validity and adhered to its main tenets. This thesis collects evidence for improving our understanding of this process that sees the co-optation of twelve new countries to the dominant theory and practice of development cooperation. The evidence collected seems to show that one of the tools employed by the promoters of this co-optation process is that of constructing the ‘new’ Member States as ‘new’, inexpert donors that need to learn from the ‘old’ ones. By taking a case-study approach, this thesis gathers data that suggests that conceiving of the ‘twelve’ as ‘new’ donors is both historically inaccurate and value-ladden. On one hand, Romania’s case-study illustrates how in the (socialist) past at least one in the group of the twelve was particularly conversant in the discourse of international development. On the other hand, the process of co-optation, while being presented as a knowledgeproducing process, can also be seen as an ignorance-producing procedure: Romania, along with its fellow new Member States, takes the opportunity of ‘building its capacity’ and ‘raising its awareness’ of development cooperation along the line drawn by the European Union, but at the same time it seems to un-learn and ‘lower’ its awareness of development experience in the (socialist) past. This is one possible reading of this thesis. At a different level, this thesis can also be seen as an attempt to account of almost five decades of international development discourse in one specific country – Romania – in three different socio-political contexts: the socialist years (up to the year 1989), the ‘transition years’ (from 1989 to the pre-accession years) and the membership to the European Union. In this second reading, the thesis seeks to illustrate how – contrary to widespread beliefs – before 1989 Romania’s international development discourse was particularly vivid: in the most varied national and international settings President Ceausescu unfolded an extensive discursive activity on issues pertaining to international development; generous media coverage of affairs concerning the developing countries and their fight for development was the rule rather than the exception; the political leadership wanted the Romanians not only to be familiarized with (or ‘aware of’ to use current terminology) matters of underdevelopment, but also to prove a sense of solidarity with these countries, as well as a sense of pride for the relations of ‘mutual help’ that were being built with them; finally, international development was object of academic attention and the Romanian scholars were able not only to reflect on major developments, but could also formulate critical positions towards the practices of development aid. Very little remains of all this during the transition years, while in the present those who are engaged in matters pertaining to international development do so with a view of building Romania as an EU-compliant donor.
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The past 15 years have witnessed the rise of post-development theory as a means of understanding the development discourse since the 1940s. Post-development argues that intentional development (as distinct from immanent development - what people are doing anyway) is a construct of Western hegemony. Sustainable development, they argue, is no different and indeed is perhaps worse, given that most of the global environmental degradation has been driven by consumerism and industrialization in the West. Critics of post-development counter by stating that it only provides destruction by tearing apart what is currently practiced in 'development' without providing an alternative. When post-developmentalists do offer an alternative it typically amouints to little more than a call for more grassroots involvement in development and disengagement from a Western agenda. Post-sustainable development analysis and counter-analysis has received remarkably little attention within the sustainable development literature, yet this paper argues that it can make a positive contributrion by calling for an analysis of discourse rather than a hiding of power differentials and an assumption that consensus must exist within a community. A case is made for a post-sustainable development that acknowledges that diversity will exist and consensus may not be achievable, but at the same time participation can help with learning. The role of the expert within sustainable development is also discussed. Copyright (C) 2008 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.
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La presente monografía busca explicar el proceso de securitización realizado por la AOSIS del cambio climático en las COP de la CMNUCC. Esta investigación defiende que la AOSIS sí ha hecho dicho proceso a través de estrategias como el liderazgo moral y los nexos con actores no-estatales; pero dicho proceso no ha sido exitoso, dado el predominio del discurso del desarrollo sostenible en las negociaciones, el debilitamiento de la AOSIS como actor securitizador y el poco apoyo formal de las potencias emergentes y el bloque UMBRELLA. Para sustentar lo anterior, se realizará una revisión de informes científicos que demuestran que el cambio climático es una amenaza a la seguridad, y un estudio desde de la teoría de securitización de Thierry Balzacq, de los discursos dados por los estados AOSIS, de las COP y de las posiciones de algunos bloques de negociación sobre el cambio climático.
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La siguiente investigación sostiene que las migraciones ilegales marroquíes hacia España, propiciaron la formulación de una vertiente mediterránea en el marco de la Política Europea de Vecindad, en lo que supuso un liderazgo español en los procesos de negociación e implementación de esta estrategia mediante la retórica del codesarrollo. Con el objetivo de obtener beneficios concretos en el tratamiento del fenómeno migratorio, el papel de España implicó una europeización de su política exterior, y concretamente de sus asuntos fronterizos con Marruecos, en un proceso denominado Top-Down que implicó una adaptación del país ibérico a la arquitectura político-institucional construida por la PEV. En definitiva, la prueba de este proceso yace en la inclusión de un Plan de Acción UE-Marruecos en 2005, y de un Estatuto Avanzado Euro-marroquí que redefinió las prioridades alcanzadas en materia bilateral por la PEV.
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Este estudio de caso aborda el tema de las alternativas al desarrollo convencional, concretamente el concepto de Buen Vivir- Sumak Kawsay, a la luz de la descripción y el análisis de los impactos del auge minero en la región del Alto Putumayo, territorio ancestral de los pueblos indígenas Inga y Camëntsá. Este trabajo quiere mostrar que la apuesta por un modelo económico extractivista, está inspirado en un plan de dominación global de recursos naturales por parte del algunas potencias, que a través del neoliberalismo económico y la globalización han desplegado estrategias de acumulación por desposesión en el Alto Putumayo. Este trabajo cuestiona las raíces históricas del discurso del desarrollo, que legitima las prácticas extractivas y excluye los saberes locales, a la luz de la experiencia recolectada en campo, donde sobresalen los procesos de resistencia de las comunidades por la defensa de la vida y territorio.
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Poverty, as defined within development discourse, does not fully capture the reality in which the poor live, which is formed also by values and beliefs specific to a given culture and setting. This article uses a memetic approach to investigating the reality of poverty among pastoralists and urban dwellers in Kenya. By distinguishing the semantic space and the cultural context in which the definitions are framed, it enables the researcher to make sufficient generalisations while also recognising the differences between cultures. The results demonstrate how pastoralists and urban dwellers conceptualise poverty differently particularly in regard to causes. Further, the article suggests that development actors often utilise a Western construct which does not entirely reflect the values and beliefs of the poor.
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Within the development discourse, the narratives of the poor are a well utilized rhetorical tool to describe poverty and its causes. However, narratives can also reveal the beliefs and ‘world-view’ of the narrators. To explore this influence, the authors applied a discursive approach, to deconstruct the narratives of 101 slum dwellers in Kibera, Nairobi. The results revealed that poverty was largely attributed to external constraints, beyond an individual's control. Despite wanting a better life, participants held low expectations for the future. Hopes and dreams were placed on their children. While risk and uncertainty was a constant theme, large differences were found between genders as to the aspirations for the future. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd and ERP Environment.
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Measuring poverty has occupied a lot of space in the development discourse. Over the years a number of approaches have been offered to capture the experience of what it means to be poor. However, latterly such approaches often ignore core assets. Indeed, the comparative impact of livestock vs. other core assets such as land and education on poverty has not been well explored. Therefore, the authors created an 'asset impact model' to examine changes to both tangible and intangible assets at the household level, with a particular focus on gender and ethnicity among communities residing in the Bolivian Altiplano. The simple model illustrates that for indigenous women, a 20 per cent increase in the livestock herd has the same impact on household income as increasing the education levels by 20 per cent and household land ownership by 5 per cent. The study illustrates the potential role of a productive, tangible asset, i.e. livestock, on poverty reduction in the short term. The policy implications of supporting asset-focused measures of poverty are discussed.
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This study aims at highlighting the ideological implications of school development as a discursive practice. More comprehensively the aim is also contributing to rearrangements and shifts in perspective when school development is the matter. One of today´s most widespread and dominant discourses are said to be the one which concerns development, and according to many interpreters, development is one of the most prominent commandments in the modern as well as the post-modern narratives. School development as a concept has for the last 15 years established itself firmly in both Swedish school policy and in Swedish school research. It may sound obvious and commendable but also such axioms may be questioned.The design of the study lies in the field of discourse research and more specifically within critical discursive psychology, which draws on both a post-structural and a postmodern conception of discourse. The study is based on the idea that the ideological potential of arguments occurs, develops and changes in discursive practices and not anywhere else or at any abstract level. The starting point is a perception that certain issues and topics within e.g. conversation, depending on time and context will be seen as controversial, while others will be taken for granted.One part of the basis of the study consists of texts with a direct bearing on a specific school research and development project which took place between 2003 and 2008. Participating partners in the collaboration were the Swedish National Agency for School Improvement, Karlstad University, Dalarna University and 13 municipalities in Sweden. Another part of the basis of the study consists of texts in which ‘school development’ is considered and negotiated in more general terms, usually without reference to the project. All texts derive from the period 2003 – 2006.The analysis shows that school development as discursive practice often rely on a set of stereotypical expressions and ways of arguing. Stereotypes, which among other things, tend to divide people into suitable and non-suitable, capable and non-capable, which may be regarded as a somewhat unexpected implication of school development. The material has been dramatized by an intrigue inspired by the sociologist Zygmunt Bauman´s texts. He has written extensively on the modern in relation to the postmodern and about the ambivalence which resides in between and school development as discursive practice can be understood in much the similar way.
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Os estudos sobre desenvolvimento, sem dúvida, se mantiveram como um dos últimos bastiões do modernismo nas ciências sociais (Rapley, 2004). Muitos dos dilemas chave em estudos contemporâneos sobre desenvolvimento se centraram nas disjuntivas entre inovação teórica, política e prática (Simon, 2003). No entanto, a discussão que envolve a relação entre desenvolvimento e mineração, que interessa neste estudo, ainda permanece acrítica dentro da literatura dominante. Segundo Graulau (2008), o tema de mineração encontra-se num vaivém entre o favoritismo e a oposição. O estudo sob o ponto de vista normativo da mineração no campo de desenvolvimento mostra a mentalidade econômica de longa data que prevalece nesse campo. No Peru as reformas neoliberais implantadas desde a década 1990 têm promovido fortemente o setor de mineração. Os investimentos nacionais e estrangeiros, o volume das exportações e impostos certamente têm influenciado favoravelmente na economia em termos macroeconômicos, obtendo quantidades consideráveis de divisas (UNCTAD, 2008). Não obstante, a grande mineração parece não ter beneficiado as comunidades envolvidas com a extração de minérios (Barrantes, 2005; Glave e Kuramoto, 2007; Zegarra; Orihuela e Paredes, 2007). A quantidade e gravidade dos conflitos que vem acontecendo evidenciam a resistência ao setor, frente à ação discursiva do Estado peruano sobre o “desenvolvimento” que assegura o que a mineração traz. Neste contexto este estudo tem como objetivo analisar as práticas discursivas das políticas de mineração peruana em relação a construção do discurso de desenvolvimento no período compreendido entre 1990-2009. Com esse objetivo, foi necessário abordar primeiramente as principais teorias sobre desenvolvimento, mineração e mineração no Peru. No que diz respeito à metodologia o presente estudo utilizou duas técnicas de análise: a Análise Crítica de Discurso, baseado no método tridimensional proposto por Fairclough (2001), para realizar a análise de três discursos de representantes da política de mineração peruana, a segunda abordagem utiliza a Análise de Conteúdo de Bardin (2009), para examinar os artigos relacionados à política de mineração entre as principais revistas especializadas do setor–Mineria e Desde Adentro. Foram utilizadas também categorias de análise constantes e convergentes ao conceito de desenvolvimento para orientar a presente pesquisa. Finalmente as conclusões sugerem que as políticas de mineração reproduzidas pelas autoridades do Estado peruano introduziram práticas discursivas sobre desenvolvimento sustentável e que essas se mantêm relacionadas com as novas ordens de discurso: Responsabilidade Social, Minerção Sustentável, Mineração moderna, Gestão ambiental.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Este trabalho de tese trata de um estudo sobre a formação histórica discursiva sobre a questão regional amazônica e sua relação com o período nacional-desenvolvimentista no Brasil. Em sua primeira parte, o estudo apresenta os objetivos e a fundamentação teórico-metodológica do trabalho, baseada no método arqueogenealógico de Michel Foucault e na teoria de ideologia de Paul Ricoeur. Em seguida o estudo apresenta as bases históricas e conceituais da formação do ciclo ideológico do desenvolvimentismo no Brasil, assim como os fundamentos teóricos e discursivos da questão regional brasileira. Nesta parte, o que fica evidente é a importância da correlação e interdependência entre o tema da questão regional e a formação do discurso nacional-desenvolvimentista no Brasil; e nesse sentido, a obra de Celso Furtado se destaca como importante elemento de elaboração discursiva que irá representar uma interpretação da questão regional como compondo um projeto mais amplo de desenvolvimento nacional. Na parte final do trabalho, destaca-se a conexão entre o ambiente institucional nacional desenvolvimentista brasileiro e a formação de uma tradição de pensamento regionalista amazônico que terá grande influência nas décadas de 40 e 50, e que será responsável pela elaboração de um discurso desenvolvimentista-regionalista a partir da influência de autores como Euclides da Cunha e Gilberto Freyre. Autores como Arthur Cezar Ferreira Reis, Leandro Tocantins e Djalma Batista, entre outros, serão considerados alguns dos principais responsáveis pela elaboração de um discurso intelectual que, segundo uma das conclusões principais do estudo, tem suas condições de possibilidade criadas e impulsionadas a partir da realidade político-institucional que se constitui no contexto de formação das instituições desenvolvimentistas na Amazônia nas décadas de 40 e 50. Conformando uma formação discursiva a qual atribuiremos o nome de desenvolvimentismo-regionalista.
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O debate em torno da viabilidade da construção da Usina Hidrelétrica de Belo Monte, na região Xingu do estado do Pará, voltou a ocupar as páginas de dois principais jornais paraenses, O Liberal e Diário do Pará, após 30 anos de criação do projeto pelo governo federal brasileiro. No período de 1º/05/2009 a 30/09/2010, as publicações reconstituíram o ambiente de embate instaurado entre diversos agentes e instituições sociais a respeito do empreendimento hidrelétrico, com a publicação de 475 textos jornalísticos sobre o tema, entre editoriais, entrevistas, artigos, notas, manchetes, notícias factuais e reportagens. Para compreender o processo comunicativo/discursivo de produção e reiteração de sentidos materializados nos textos jornalísticos dos periódicos, optou-se pela metodologia de análise do discurso de vertente francesa, com atenção para as relações existentes entre comunicação e discurso, as formações discursivas presentes nas matérias, assim como a manifestação da interdiscursividade. Como resultado da análise, exemplificada com a apresentação de seqüências discursivas de 32 textos selecionados do corpus principal e divididos em subtemáticas, constata-se a predominância do discurso desenvolvimentista em detrimento do socioambiental, apresentando fortes vínculos com outros discursos já proferidos sobre a Amazônia, esta ainda vista como um local repleto de riquezas a serem exploradas para atender aos interesses externos à região. Percebe-se também a valorização das declarações de fontes oficiais e de representantes de ONGs preservacionistas, artistas e pesquisadores, sendo que os Povos da Floresta permanecem em um plano de visibilidade inferior na reconstrução da polêmica sobre a Usina de Belo Monte.
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India's Muslim community, which accounts for 14.4 percent of India’s vast population and is thus the largest of all religious minorities, has been the subject of considerable development discourse as Muslims have the lowest level of educational attainment and standard of living among socio-religious groups in the country. This study addresses the meaning of education and career opportunities for Muslim youths in relation to their educational credentials and social position in the hierarchy of Muslim class and caste groups, with particular reference to a community in Uttar Pradesh. The author contends that the career opportunities, possibilities, and strategies of Muslim youths in Indian society depend on multiple factors: social hierarchy, opportunities to utilize economic resources, social networks, cultural capital, and the wider structural disparities within which the Muslims are situated and wherein they question the value of higher education in gaining them admission to socially recognized and established employment sectors.