O conceito hist��rico de desenvolvimento econ��mico

Uma An��lise do Conceito de Desenvolvimento Econ��mico. o Crescimento Econ��mico, ou Desenvolvimento Econ��mico, �� Visto como um Fen��meno Hist��rico como Resultado da Revolu����o Capitalista, E, Consequentemente, da Revolu����o Comercial, da Industrial E, no Meio Delas, da Revolu����o Nacional. Assim, �� Necess��rio um Conceito Hist��rico de Crescimento Econ��mico, e n��o um Conceito Normativo. Visto sob este Aspecto, o Desenvolvimento Econ��mico �� Intrinsecamente Relacionado ao Surgimento do Estado-Na����o Moderno. �� o Produto de Na����es Usando o Estado como Ferramenta de A����o Coletiva para Alcan��ar o Crescimento Econ��mico. Mas Desenvolvimento e Crescimento Econ��micos n��o s��o Diferentes? o Autor Argumenta que Historicamente Eles n��o S��o, se a Distin����o �� Feita com Base na Distribui����o ou Concentra����o de Renda: Desenvolvimento Econ��mico �� Frequentemente Acompanhado por um Aumento da Desigualdade. �� Diferente se Definirmos Crescimento como n��o Envolvendo Mudan��as Econ��micas Estruturais, Mas, Historicamente Isto �� Quase Imposs��vel. este Paper Procura Mostra Que, Apesar do Desenvolvimento Econ��mico n��o ser o ��nico Objetivo Pol��tico das Na����es, �� um dos Principais: os Outros Objetivos s��o Seguran��a, Liberdade, Justi��a Social e Prote����o ao Meio-Ambiente. o Desenvolvimento Econ��mico n��o Pode Solucionar Esses Problemas.

The development of the nation state : France 1498-1610.

Ofrece una gu��a pr��ctica para ense��ar este tema a los estudiantes del nivel A2 para la especificaci��n OCR. Explica la evoluci��n de Francia durante el Renacimiento y la Reforma y se centra en la creaci��n del estado-naci��n franc��s durante este per��odo. Incluye una selecci��n y definici��n de los temas, conceptos, acontecimientos y lugares considerados m��s importantes, as�� como breves biograf��as de personajes clave y consejos para los ex��menes.

Cosmopolitanism, the nation-state and imaginative realism

Contemporary writing on cosmopolitanism has asserted the need for a new sociological toolkit to deal with an emergent post-national social order. At the heart of this agenda is a misunderstanding about the role of the nation-state, which has led to some rather unhelpful theorizations. The state is assumed to be a dead hand in the development of post-national sentiments or an increasingly irrelevant social structure. We argue that the superseding of the nation-state is not necessary for the development of cosmopolitan sentiments of solidarity. In addition to classical sociology, it is work surrounding the concepts of cosmopolitan democracy and constitutional patriotism and the public sphere that can assist us in theorizing cosmopolitanism. What distinguishes this tradition is the utilization of social science concepts such as democracy, state, public sphere and law in an attempt to ground the idea of cosmopolitanism within the context of existing social structures.

Manpower development and nation-building : Singapore's experience

Manpower is a basic resource. It is the indispensable means of converting other resources to mankind '.s use and benefit. As a process�� of increasing the knowledge, skills, and dexterity of the people of a society, manpower development is the most fundamental means of enabling a nation to acquire the capacities to bring about its desired future state of affairs -- a more mighty and wealthier nation. Singapore's brief nation-building history justifies the emphasis accorded to the importance of good quality human resources and manpower development in economic and socio-political developments. As a tiny island-state with a poor natural resource base, Singapore's long-term survival and development depend ultimately upon the quality and the creative energy of her people. In line with the nation-building goals and strategies of the Republic, as conditioned by her objective setting, Singapore's basic manpower development premise has been one of "quality and not quantity". While implementing the "stop-at-two" family planning and population control programs and the relevant immigration measures to guard against the prospect of a "population explosion", the Government has energetically fostered various educational programs, including vocational training schemes, adult education programs, the youth movement, and the national service scheme to improve the quality of Singaporeans. There is no denying that some of the manpower development measures taken by the Government have imposed sacrifice and hardship on the Singapore citizens. Nevertheless, they are the basic conditions for the island-Republic's long-term survival and development. It is essential iii to note that Singapore's continuing existence and phenomenal-success are largely attributable to the will, capacities and efforts of her leaders and people. In the final analysis, the wealth and the strength of a nation are based upon its ability to conserve, develop and utilize effectively the innate capacities of its people. This is true not only of Singapore but necessarily of other developing nations. It can be safely presumed that since most developing states' concerns about the quality of their human resources and the progress of their nation-building work are inextricably bound to those about the quantity of their population, the "quality and not quantity" motto of Singapore's manpower development programs can also be their guiding principle.

Decentralization in Nation State Building of Indonesia

Introduction���Today, many countries, regardless of developed or developing, are trying to promote decentralization. According to Manor, as his quoting of Nickson���s argument, decentralization stems from the necessity to strengthen local governments as proxy of civil society to fill the yawning gap between the state and civil society (Manor [1999]: 30). With the end to the Cold War following the collapse of the Soviet Union rendering the cause of the ���leadership of the central government to counter communism��� meaningless, Manor points out, it has become increasingly difficult to respond flexibly to changes in society under the centralized system. Then, what benefits can be expected from the effectuation of decentralization? Litvack-Ahmad-Bird cited the four points: attainment of allocative efficiency in the face of different local preferences for local public goods; improvement to government competitiveness; realization of good governance; and enhancement of the legitimacy and sustainability of heterogeneous national states (Litvack, Ahmad & Bird [1998]: 5). They all contribute to reducing the economic and social costs of a central government unable to respond to changes in society and enhancing the efficiency of state administration through the delegation of authority to local governments. Why did Indonesia have a go at decentralization? As Maryanov recognizes, reasons for the implementation of decentralization in Indonesia have never been explicitly presented (Maryanov [1958]: 17). But there was strong momentum toward building a democratic state in Indonesia at the time of independence, and as indicated by provisions of Article 18 of the 1945 Constitution, there was the tendency in Indonesia from the beginning to debate decentralization in association with democratization. That said debate about democratization was fairly abstract and the main points are to ease the tensions, quiet the complaints, satisfy the political forces and thus stabilize the process of government (Maryanov [1958]: 26-27). ���������What triggered decentralization in Indonesia in earnest, of course, was the collapse of the Soeharto regime in May 1998. The Soeharto regime, regarded as the epitome of the centralization of power, became incapable of effectively dealing with problems in administration of the state and development administration. Besides, the post-Soeharto era of ���reform (reformasi)��� demanded the complete wipeout of the Soeharto image. In contraposition to the centralization of power was decentralization. The Soeharto regime that ruled Indonesia for 32 years was established in 1966 under the banner of ���anti-communism.��� The end of the Cold War structure in the late 1980s undermined the legitimate reason the centralization of power to counter communism claimed by the Soeharto regime. The factor for decentralization cited by Manor is applicable here. ���������Decentralization can be interpreted to mean not only the reversal of the centralized system of government due to its inability to respond to changes in society, as Manor points out, but also the participation of local governments in the process of the nation state building through the more positive transfer of power (democratic decentralization) and in the coordinated pursuit with the central government for a new shape of the state. However, it is also true that a variety of problems are gushing out in the process of implementing decentralization in Indonesia. ���������This paper discusses the relationship between decentralization and the formation of the nation state with the awareness of the problems and issues described above. Section 1 retraces the history of decentralization by examining laws and regulations for local administration and how they were actually implemented or not. Section 2 focuses on the relationships among the central government, local governments, foreign companies and other actors in the play over the distribution of profits from exploitation of natural resources, and examines the process of the ulterior motives of these actors and the amplification of mistrust spawning intense conflicts that, in extreme cases, grew into separation and independence movements. Section 3 considers the merits and demerits at this stage of decentralization implemented since 2001 and shed light on the significance of decentralization in terms of the nation state building. Finally, Section 4 attempts to review decentralization as the ���opportunity to learn by doing��� for the central and local governments in the process of the nation state building. ���������In the context of decentralization in Indonesia, deconcentration (dekonsentrasi), decentralization (desentralisasi) and support assignments (tugas pembantuan; medebewind, a Dutch word, was used previously) are defined as follows. Dekonsentrasi means that when the central government puts a local office of its own, or an outpost agency, in charge of implementing its service without delegating the administrative authority over this particular service. The outpost agency carries out the services as instructed by the central government. A head of a local government, when acting for the central government, gets involved in the process of dekonsentrasi. Desentralisasi, meanwhile, occurs when the central government cedes the administrative authority over a particular service to local governments. Under desentralisasi, local governments can undertake the particular service at their own discretion, and the central government, after the delegation of authority, cannot interfere with how local governments handle that service. Tugas pembantuan occur when the central government makes local governments or villages, or local governments make villages, undertake a particular service. In this case, the central government, or local governments, provides funding, equipment and materials necessary, and officials of local governments and villages undertake the service under the supervision and guidance of the central or local governments. Tugas pembantuan are maintained until local governments and villages become capable of undertaking that particular service on their own.

Ramifications of development projects deemed ���state significant���

Purpose, Design/methodology / approach The acknowledgement of state significance in relation to development projects can result in special treatment by regulatory authorities, particularly in terms of environmental compliance and certain economic and other government support measures. However, defining just what constitutes a ���significant project���, or a project of ���state significance���, varies considerably between Australian states. In terms of establishing threshold levels, in Queensland there is even less clarity. Despite this lack of definition, the implications of ���state significance��� can nevertheless be considerable. For example, in Queensland if the Coordinator-General declares a project to be a ���significant project��� under the State Development and Public Works Organisation Act 1971, the environmental impact assessment process may become more streamlined ��� potentially circumventing certain provisions under The Integrated Planning Act 1997. If the project is not large enough to be so deemed, an extractive resource under the State Planning Policy 2/07 - Protection of Extractive Resources 2007 may be considered to be of State or regional significance and subsequently designated as a ���Key Resource Area���. As a consequence, such a project is afforded some measure of resource protection but remains subject to the normal assessment process under the Integrated Development Assessment System, as well as the usual requirements of the vegetation management codes, and other regulations. Findings (Originality/value) & Research limitations / implications This paper explores the various meanings of ���state significance��� in Queensland and the ramifications for development projects in that state. It argues for a streamlining of the assessment process in order to avoid or minimise constraints acting on the state���s development. In so doing, it questions the existence of a strategic threat to the delivery of an already over-stretched infrastructure program.

Nation-state or country-state : how do we discuss belonging in an age of fluidity?

This is the opening article of a two-part exchange between Jean-Paul Gagnon and Michael Gardiner on the nation-state.

Development of trophic state and phytoplankton in an oligo-mesotrophic reservoir (Kleine Kinzig) in Black Forest, Germany

Since 1989, intensive studies have been made on a relatively new (1983-84) oligotrophic reservoir and its pre-reservoir in the Black Forest. This paper briefly reports on the hydrochemistry, especially annual variations in phosphorus loadings, and the seasonal development of phytoplankton in 1989 and 1990.