999 resultados para Democracy quality


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Partiendo de los objetivos propuestos, el artículo pone de manifiesto la profunda crisis estructural en la que ha entrado el trabajo en la Posmodernidad. Esto ha supuesto, la pérdida de su seguridad en el contexto del cuestionamiento de la prosperidad de la economía, del Estado de Bienestar, del propio Estado y de la democracia. Cierto, el trabajo se presenta hoy con riesgo, precario, inseguro, incierto, desespacializado, fragmentado, acelerado, flexible, desregulado, informalizado, impactado por las nuevas tecnologías, “brasileñizado”, jerarquizado, desigual, individualizado y con el carácter corroído del trabajador. De esta forma, el trabajo se desvaloriza, se convierte en ilegible y pierde su sentido. Además, si se tiene en cuenta que los remedios puestos encima de la mesa en Occidente son claramente insuficientes y poco creativos, parece que nos encontremos ante el colapso o el final de una etapa, del trabajo, del propio capitalismo y del Estado social-liberal-democrático.

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O problema da falta de participação cívica é uma das condicionantes para o desenvolvimento local de qualquer território, pelo que devem ser estruturadas medidas e processos que facilitem e incentivem uma participação mais ativa, pautada por critérios de qualidade. É nesse sentido que o presente trabalho de investigação, tendo por base a aplicação de um inquérito por questionário a todos os dirigentes e técnicos envolvidos na Rede Social de Moura e a realização de uma sessão focus group com os membros do Núcleo Executivo, apresenta os processos de participação existentes e a desenvolver no programa e, desta forma, elabora um modelo de participação institucional de qualidade, com base nas orientações da ISO 9001 e respetivos oito princípios (enfoque no cliente, liderança, envolvimento dos colaboradores, abordagem por processos, abordagem sistemática da gestão, melhoria contínua, abordagem factual para a tomada de decisão e relações de mútuo beneficio com fornecedores). ABSTRACT: The problem of the lack of civic participation is one of the setbacks of local development in every territory, thus making it necessary to structure measures and processes to ease and encourage a more active participation, ruled by quality criteria. Taking that into consideration, this work of investigation, based on an inquiry of questions taken to all the directors and technicians involved in the Social Network of Moura, and a Focus Group session held with the members of the Executive Group, shows the existing levels of participation, as well as of those yet to develop, in the programme and therefore creates a model of institutional participation of quality, under the ISO 9001 directives and its eight principles (emphasis on the client, leadership, associate involvement, process approach, systematic approach of management, continuous improvement, factual approach on decision making and mutual benefit relationships with suppliers).

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Democracies come in all shapes and sizes. Which configuration of political institutions produces the highest democratic quality is a notorious debate. The lineup of contenders includes ‘consensus’, ‘Westminster’, and ‘centripetal’ democracy. A trend in the evaluation of the relationship between empirical patterns of democracy and its quality is that the multidimensional nature of both concepts is increasingly taken into account. This article tests the assertion that certain centripetal configurations of proportionality in party systems and government, and unitarism in the remaining state structure, might outperform all other alternatives both in terms of inclusiveness and effectiveness. Analyzing 33 democracies, the results of interactive regression models only partially support this claim. Proportional–unitary democracies have the best track record in terms of representation, but there are little differences in participation, transparency, and government capability compared with other models.

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This contribution focuses on analyzing the quality of democracy of the United States (U.S.) and of Austria by using a comparative approach. Even though comparisons are not the only possible or legitimate method of research, this analysis is based on the opinion that comparisons provide crucial analytical perspectives and learning opportunities. Following is the proposition, put directly forward: national political systems (political systems) are comprehensively understood only by using an international comparative approach. International comparisons (of country-based systems) are common (see the status of comparative politics, for example in Sodaro, 2004). Comparisons do not have to be based necessarily on national systems alone, but can also be carried out using “within”-comparisons inside (or beyond) sub-units or regional sub-national systems, for instance the individual provinces in the case of Austria (Campbell, 2007, p. 382).

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The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.

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The purpose of the research is to study the relationship between international drug interdiction policies and domestic politics in fragile democracies, and to demonstrate how international drug control policies and the use of force fit the rhetoric of war, are legitimized by the principles of a just war, but may also cause collateral damage and negative unintended consequences. The method used is a case study of the Dominican Republic. The research has found that international drug control regimes, primarily led by the U.S. and narrowly focused on interdiction, have influenced an increasingly militarized approach to domestic law enforcement in the Dominican Republic. The collateral damage caused by militarized enforcement comes in the form of negative perceptions of citizen security, loss of respect for the rule of law and due process, and low levels of civil society development. The drug war has exposed the need for significant reform of the institutions charged with carrying out enforcement, the police force and the judicial system in particular. The dissertation concludes that the extent of drug trafficking in the Dominican Republic is beyond the scope of domestic reform efforts alone, but that the programs implemented do show some potential for future success. The dissertation also concludes that the framework of warfare is not the most appropriate for the international problems of drug traffic and abuse. A broader, multipronged approach should be considered by world policy makers in order to address all conditions that allow drugs to flourish without infringing upon democratic and civil rights in the process.

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This article is the result of an ongoing research into a variety of features of Spanish local government. It aims, in particular, at providing a profile of the tools implemented by local authorities to improve local democracy in Catalonia. The main hypothesis of the work is that, even though the Spanish local model is constrained by a shared and unique set of legal regulations, local institutions in Catalonia have developed their own model of local participation. And the range of instruments like these is still now increasing. More specifically, the scope of this research is twofold. On the one hand, different types of instruments for public deliberation in the Catalan local administration system are identified and presented, based on the place they take in the policy cycle. On the other hand, we focus on policy domains and the quality of the decision-making processes. Researching the stability of the participation tools or whether local democracy prefers more 'ad hoc' processes allows us to analyze the boundaries/limits of local democracy in Catalonia. The main idea underlying this paper is that, despite the existence of a single legal model regulating municipalities in Catalonia, local authorities tend to use their legally granted selfmanagement capacities to design their own instruments which end up presenting perceivable distinct features, stressing democracy in different policy domains, and in diverse policy cycles. Therefore, this paper is intended to identify such models and to provide factors (variables) so that an explanatory model can be built.

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Founded in 1963 by two prominent Austrians living in exile – the sociologist Paul F. Lazarsfeld and the economist Oskar Morgenstern – with the financial support from the Ford Foundation, the Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, and the City of Vienna, the Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS) is the first institution for postgraduate education and research in economics and the social sciences in Austria. The Political Science Series presents research done at the Department of Political Science and aims to share “work in progress” before formal publication. It includes papers by the Department’s teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions.

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This study sought to evaluate the association between the impact of oral disorders in terms of physical/psychosocial dimensions and quality of life among the elderly. It involved a cross-sectional study conducted among the elderly (65-74 years) in 2008/2009. The social impact was assessed using the Oral Health Impact Profile (OHIP 14) and the quality of life using the SF 12 Short-Form Health Survey. Descriptive, univariate and multivariate (logistic regression) analysis was conducted with correction for the design effect, using SPSS(r)18.0 software. Of the 800 individuals approached, 736 elderly individuals participated (TR = 92%), with a mean age of 67.77 years, the majority of whom showed no impact based on the measurement of the prevalence of OHIP. The functional limitation dimension of the OHIP was associated with the physical domain of the SF12, irrespective of the other variables investigated. However, the seriousness of OHIP and its psychological discomfort and disability dimensions was associated with the mental domain of the SF12. The conclusion reached is that some impacts of oral disorders were associated with unsatisfactory quality of life in the physical and mental domains.