Collective victimisation and collective guilt in the former Yugoslavia : the interplay between individual, local and societal levels

The thesis examines the impact of collective war victimization on individuals' readiness to accept or assign collective guilt for past war atrocities. As a complement to previous studies, its aim is to articulate an integrated approach to collective victimization, which distinguishes between individual-, communal-, and societal-level consequences of warfare. Building on a social representation approach, it is guided by the assumption that individuals form beliefs about a conflict through their personal experiences of victimization, communal experiences of warfare that occur in their proximal surrounding, and the mass- mediatised narratives that circulate in a society's public sphere. Four empirical studies test the hypothesis that individuals' beliefs about the conflict depend on the level and type of war experiences to which they have been exposed, that is, on informative and normative micro and macro contexts in which they are embedded. The studies have been conducted in the context of the Yugoslav wars that attended the breakup of Yugoslavia, a series of wars fought between 1991 and 2001 during which numerous war atrocities were perpetrated causing a massive victimisation of population. To examine the content and impact of war experiences at each level of analysis, the empirical studies employed various methodological strategies, from quantitative analyses of a representative public opinion survey, to qualitative analyses of media content and political speeches. Study 1 examines the impact of individual- and communal- level war experiences on individuals' acceptance and assignment of collective guilt. It further examines the impact of the type of communal level victimization: exposure to symmetric (i.e., violence that similarly affects members of different ethnic groups, including adversaries) and asymmetric violence. The main goal of Study 2 is to examine the structural and political circumstances that enhance collective guilt assignment. While the previous studies emphasize the role of past victimisation, Study 2 tests the assumption that the political demobilisation strategy employed by elites facing public discontent in the collective system-threatening circumstances can fuel out-group blame. Studies 3 and 4 have been conducted predominantly in the context of Croatia and examine rhetoric construction of the dominant politicized narrative of war in a public sphere (Study 3) and its maintenance through public delegitimization of alternative (critical) representations (Study 4). Study 4 further examines the likelihood that highly identified group members adhere to publicly delegitimized critical stances on war. - Cette thèse étudie l'impact de la victimisation collective de guerre sur la capacité des individus à accepter ou à attribuer une culpabilité collective liée à des atrocités commises en temps de guerre. En compléments aux recherches existantes, le but de ce travail est de définir une approche intégrative de la victimisation collective, qui distingue les conséquences de la guerre aux niveaux individuel, régional et sociétal. En partant de l'approche des représentations sociales, cette thèse repose sur le postulat que les individus forment des croyances sur un conflit au travers de leurs expériences personnelles de victimisation, de leurs expériences de guerre lorsque celle-ci se déroule près d'eux, ainsi qu'au travers des récits relayés par les mass media. Quatre études testent l'hypothèse que les croyances des individus dépendent des niveaux et des types d'expériences de guerre auxquels ils ont été exposés, c'est-à-dire, des contextes informatifs et normatifs, micro et macro dans lesquels ils sont insérés. Ces études ont été réalisées dans le contexte des guerres qui, entre 1991 et 2001, ont suivi la dissolution de la Yougoslavie et durant lesquelles de nombreuses atrocités de guerre ont été commises, causant une victimisation massive de la population. Afin d'étudier le contenu et l'impact des expériences de guerre sur chaque niveau d'analyse, différentes stratégies méthodologiques ont été utilisées, des analyses quantitatives sur une enquête représentative d'opinion publique aux analyses qualitatives de contenu de médias et de discours politiques. L'étude 1 étudie l'impact des expériences de guerre individuelles et régionales sur l'acceptation et l'attribution de la culpabilité collective par les individus. Elle examine aussi l'impact du type de victimisation régionale : exposition à la violence symétrique (i.e., violence qui touche les membres de différents groupes ethniques, y compris les adversaires) et asymétrique. L'étude 2 se penche sur les circonstances structurelles et politiques qui augmentent l'attribution de culpabilité collective. Alors que les recherches précédentes ont mis l'accent sur le rôle de la victimisation passée, l'étude 2 teste l'hypothèse que la stratégie de démobilisation politique utilisée par les élites pour faire face à l'insatisfaction publique peut encourager l'attribution de la culpabilité à l'exogroupe. Les études 3 et 4 étudient, principalement dans le contexte croate, la construction rhétorique du récit de guerre politisé dominant (étude 3) et son entretien à travers la délégitimation publique des représentations alternatives (critiques] (étude 4). L'étude 4 examine aussi la probabilité qu'ont les membres de groupe fortement identifiés d'adhérer à des points de vue sur la guerre critiques et publiquement délégitimés.

Análisis de los factores que han llevado a la perdida de la legitimidad de los partidos tradicionales en Colombia y paraguay

La deslegitimación de los partidos políticos tradicionales en Colombia y Paraguay constituye un viaje de teorías y percepciones alrededor de la corresponsabilidad de la representación política que recae sobre electores y elegidos. A través de un estudio de la historia política y de los partidos en dos sistemas aparentemente distintos como lo son el sistema consociacional colombiano del frente nacional y el bipartidismo paraguayo durante la dictadura de Strossner se evidencia un desgaste institucional cuya resultante es la creciente desilusión del ciudadano, que conlleva el surgimiento de nuevas fuerzas políticas y el rezago de las tradicionales.

El proceso de deslegitimación del fuero militar: un debate sobre la conveniencia de la ampliación de la justicia penal militar en Colombia (1985-2013)

La Justicia Penal Militar es el privilegio histórico más importante que ha sido concedido a las Fuerzas Militares colombianas debido a la función pública que desempeñan. De allí, que la presente investigación esté dirigida a comprender las causas que han conducido a que el Fuero Militar sea una figura cada vez más restringida no sólo en el mundo, sino en Colombia. Así mismo, el papel de las víctimas será transcendental en el trabajo para comprender un proceso de deslegitimación de la institución marcial traducido en la generación de un debate nacional en torno a la conveniencia de la ampliación de las competencias judiciales de su jurisdicción especial. Finalmente, se planteará una posible alternativa a partir de la conceptualización sobre la Justicia elaborada por John Rawls en el siglo XX, con miras solventar este fenómeno político, jurídico y social.

Climate and chemistry effects of a regional scale nuclear conflict

Previous studies have highlighted the severity of detrimental effects for life on earth after an assumed regionally limited nuclear war. These effects are caused by climatic, chemical and radiative changes persisting for up to one decade. However, so far only a very limited number of climate model simulations have been performed, giving rise to the question how realistic previous computations have been. This study uses the coupled chemistry climate model (CCM) SOCOL, which belongs to a different family of CCMs than previously used, to investigate the consequences of such a hypothetical nuclear conflict. In accordance with previous studies, the present work assumes a scenario of a nuclear conflict between India and Pakistan, each applying 50 warheads with an individual blasting power of 15 kt ("Hiroshima size") against the major population centers, resulting in the emission of tiny soot particles, which are generated in the firestorms expected in the aftermath of the detonations. Substantial uncertainties related to the calculation of likely soot emissions, particularly concerning assumptions of target fuel loading and targeting of weapons, have been addressed by simulating several scenarios, with soot emissions ranging from 1 to 12 Tg. Their high absorptivity with respect to solar radiation leads to a rapid self-lofting of the soot particles into the strato- and mesosphere within a few days after emission, where they remain for several years. Consequently, the model suggests earth's surface temperatures to drop by several degrees Celsius due to the shielding of solar irradiance by the soot, indicating a major global cooling. In addition, there is a substantial reduction of precipitation lasting 5 to 10 yr after the conflict, depending on the magnitude of the initial soot release. Extreme cold spells associated with an increase in sea ice formation are found during Northern Hemisphere winter, which expose the continental land masses of North America and Eurasia to a cooling of several degrees. In the stratosphere, the strong heating leads to an acceleration of catalytic ozone loss and, consequently, to enhancements of UV radiation at the ground. In contrast to surface temperature and precipitation changes, which show a linear dependence to the soot burden, there is a saturation effect with respect to stratospheric ozone chemistry. Soot emissions of 5 Tg lead to an ozone column reduction of almost 50% in northern high latitudes, while emitting 12 Tg only increases ozone loss by a further 10%. In summary, this study, though using a different chemistry climate model, corroborates the previous investigations with respect to the atmospheric impacts. In addition to these persistent effects, the present study draws attention to episodically cold phases, which would likely add to the severity of human harm worldwide. The best insurance against such a catastrophic development would be the delegitimization of nuclear weapons.

La cabaña moderna. Microrrelatos de arquitecturas en busca de sentido

Desde la revolución ilustrada e industrial de finales del s. XVIII se ha venido desarrollando, con fuerza inigualada a lo largo de la historia, algo que es consustancial al hombre y que le ha permitido constituirse como tal frente al resto de animales: la técnica. Como sentencia Ortega, no hay hombre sin técnica. Pero, al mismo tiempo, va quedando cada vez más claro -como también nos señala Ortega- que el sentido y la causa de la técnica están fuera de ella, y que la técnica no es en rigor lo primero, sino que su finalidad le ha de ser prefijada por un deseo original pre-técnico. Si esto no fuera así el hombre perdería su propio sentido, pues el hombre es puro afán, un ente cuyo ser consiste no en lo que ya es, sino en la que aún no es. Sin embargo, el progresivo desencantamiento del mundo como consecuencia del desarrollo de la sociedad industrial vino a sustituir los viejos mitos por una interpretación racional y abstracta que renunciaba a cualquier búsqueda de sentido que trascendiese los hechos brutos. De este modo, la perdida de sentido del hombre frente a la técnica desarrollada por él mismo le dejaba desnortado y convertido en un sujeto pasivo en manos de un malentendido progreso. Frente a esta pérdida de sentido detectada ya a principios del siglo XX y denunciada con más fuerza a partir de la Segunda Guerra Mundial, el postmodernismo del último tramo del pasado siglo pudo no sólo oficializar su desaparición, sino consignar su deslegitimación. Ante a esto, sostenemos la necesaria existencia de sentido en cualquier arquitectura que se desarrolle plenamente y, especialmente, en la arquitectura de la modernidad -y aún de la modernidad tardía o postmodernidad- muchas de las veces no explicitado como tal frente al sobredimensionamiento técnico que ha venido marcando la pauta desde la revolución industrial. Al mismo tiempo, ya no se puede hablar de un único sentido, universalizable, sino de una pluralidad de sentidos que definirán distintas arquitecturas. Partiendo de la petitio principii de que el tema capital de la arquitectura en la modernidad ha sido la vivienda, el objeto arquitectónico que reúne las mejores características para desarrollar esta búsqueda de sentido lo hemos encontrado en la cabaña moderna, donde se cumple el aforismo corbusierano que señala que “quand l’économie est au maximum, l’intensité est au maximum”. Al mismo tiempo “al representar la plenitud a través de su misma negación”, la cabaña moderna se puede entender como una sublimación de la arquitectura a través de pequeños objetos donde han quedado destiladas las distintas esencias de la modernidad. Mediante el análisis de seis pequeñas construcciones situadas en archipiélagos arquitectónicos radicalmente distantes –el campamento de Ocatillo (F. Ll. Wright, 1929); la Caja (R. Erskine, 1942); el Cabanon (Le Corbusier, 1952); la casa cúpula en Carbondale (R. B. Fuller, 1960); el refugio en Oropesa (F. J. Sáenz de Oíza, c.1967-1977) y el pabellón de invitados en Kempsey (G. Murcutt, 1992)- la aparente aporía que supone la cabaña moderna, frente a la más lógica, en principio, cabaña primitiva, cobra sentido. Efectiva mente, el referente mítico de la cabaña primitiva, tal y como fue enunciado por Laugier, se correspondía con el estadio más primitivo de la modernidad, con sus orígenes, precisamente porque la crítica que se hacía en ella de la arquitectura se basaba en criterios exclusivamente técnicos que remitían a los orígenes constructivos de la arquitectura como fórmula para salir del entramado retórico en el que ésta se encontraba perdida. La cabaña moderna trasciende, sin embargo, aquella primitiva fase de la modernidad, de la que la cabaña de Laugier es paradigma, en la medida en que la crítica que se realiza ahora es doble, pues a la crítica de carácter técnico que encontramos en cada una de las cabañas se le añade una crítica de sentido que no se encuentra supeditada, en ninguno de los casos, a la componente técnica, tal y como sin embargo sucedía con Laugier, donde la pretendida regeneración moral de la arquitectura era consecuencia directa de su depuración técnica. En la cabaña moderna, al contrario, encontramos una pluralidad de sentidos que orientan y fuerzan el desarrollo de la techné en direcciones que llegan a ser radicalmente diferentes, construyendo unos relatos que habrán de ser, por tanto, necesariamente parciales, pero de los que la arquitectura, en cualquier caso no podrá prescindir si es que quiere seguir siendo fiel a sí misma, tal y como, efectivamente, lo comprendieron Wright, Erskine, Le Corbusier, Fuller, Sáenz de Oíza y Murcutt, cuando se esforzaron por que estas pequeñas arquitecturas que hemos visitado, tan sólo unas cabañas, fueran unas cabañas con sentido, unas cabañas modernas. ABSTRACT Since the illustrated and industrial revolution of the XVIII century it has been developing, with unequally strength through history, something that is inherent to man and that has allowed him to become himself against the rest of animals: technique. As Ortega says, there is no man without technique. But, at the same time, it is becoming increasingly clear –as Ortega also says- that the sense and the cause of the technique are beyond technique itself, and that technique is not actually the first thing, but that its purpose must be predefined by a pre-technique original desire. If it were not like this, man would lose his own sense, because man is pure desire, an entity whose being is not what already is, but what still doesn’t is. However, the progressive disenchantment of the world as the result of the development of the industrial society came to change the old myths by a rational and abstract interpretation that renounced to any search of meaning that transcended the brute facts. Thereby, the loss of sense of man against the technique developed by man himself let him aimless and converted in a passive object in the hands of a misunderstood progress. Against this loss of sense already detected at the beginning of the XX century and denounced in a stronger way since the Second World War, the postmodernism of the late decades of the last century could not only formalize its disappearance, but also consign its delegitimization. On the contrary, we maintain the necessary existence of sense in any architecture that is fully developed and, specially, in the modern architecture –and even in the late Modernism or Postmodernism- many times not made explicit as such against the technique oversizing that has been setting the pattern since the industrial revolution. At the same time, we can not talk about an only and universal sense, but about a plurality of senses that will define different architectures. On the basis of the petitio principii that dwelling has been the capital issue of modern architecture, the architectonic object that possesses the best features for developing this search of sense has been found in the modern hut, where is fulfil the Corbusieran aphorism that says that “quand l’économie est au maximum, l’intensité est au maximum”. At the same time, “representing plenitude through its own negation” the modern hut can be understood as a sublimation of architecture through small objects where the different essences of modernity have been distilled. Through the analysis of six small buildings located in radically distant architectonic archipelagos –the Ocatillo dessert camp (F. Ll. Wright, 1929); the Box (R. Erskine, 1942); the Cabanon (Le Corbusier, 1952); the dome-home in Carbondale (R. B. Fuller, 1960); the retreat in Oropesa (F. J. Sáenz de Oíza, c. 1967-1977) and the guest house in Kimpsey (G. Murcutt, 1992)- the apparent aporia that represents the modern hut, against the, initially, more logical primitive hut, makes sense. Indeed, the mythical reference of the primitive hut, as it was enunciated by Laugier, belonged to the most primitive state of modernity, with its origins, precisely because the criticism of the architecture that was made there was based in exclusively technique criteria, referring to the constructive origins of architecture as the formula to get out of the rhetoric labyrinth in which architecture was lost at the moment. However, the modern hut transcends that primitive phase of modernity, of which Laugier’s hut is paradigm, since the criticism that is made is double, because to the criticism on the technique that we find in every hut we must add a criticism on the sense that is never subordinated to the technique component, as it was the case in Laugier, where the intended architectonic moral regeneration was a direct consequence of its technical depuration. In the modern hut, on the contrary, we find a plurality of senses that guides and drives the development of techné in radically different directions, building narratives that must be, then, necessarilly partial, but of which architecture could never leave aside if it still wants to be faithful to itself, as Wright, Erskine, Le Corbusier, Fuller, Sáenz de Oíza and Murcutt seemed to understand when they tried hardly to make these small architectures that we have visited, these huts, huts full of sense, modern huts.

Authority and stratification in the Bahamas: The quest for legitimacy

This longitudinal study provides a detailed description of the transition in the Bahamas from British colony to independent country. It analyzes the ongoing process of legitimation and delegitimation of Bahamian political parties and of the transfer of authority from the white minority to the black majority. It is a story of social and political struggles that take place within the quarter century following World War II. These struggles are analyzed within a theoretical framework which focuses on the meaning of symbols used to support claims to authority, and/or which function to delegitimize alternative claims. Specifically, this study looks at the delegitimization of the institutions of colonialism and the concurrent profession of symbols to support both independence and a fully enfranchised democracy in the Bahamas. ^ The research methodology includes an extensive analysis of official British colonial documents, private governmental dispatches, and contemporaneous newspaper articles. The sources were primarily the Public Records Office of Great Britain; the Archives of the Bahamas; and the Institute for Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies. Secondary literature on civil rights, political science, religion, Black Nationalism, corruption, social theory, and popular culture was studied. Two hundred days of participant observation, spread over seven years of study, resulted in notes from which information was gleaned. During that time, seventeen open-ended interviews with a cross section of Bahamians (male and female, black and white) who lived through this period were recorded, information from which was also incorporated. ^ A detailed description of the socio-historical process, and an analysis of data, demonstrates how the black majority's desire for political representation, and future independence, pressured Great Britain to come into line with the desires of the majority of Bahamians. The symbolic universe that had historically divided white from black now urged dramatic social and political change. ^ The documents and testimonials studied demonstrate how symbols and symbolic events supported and/or undercut the claims to legitimacy proffered by different groups in the Bahamas in their respective attempts to solidify their social and political position within the society. ^