Decriminalization: administrative adjudication. Volume II: discussion, interpretation, and appendicies. Final report.

Urban Mass Transportation Administration, Washington, D.C.

Decriminalization: administrative adjudication. Volume I: analysis and findings. Final report.

Urban Mass Transportation Administration, Washington, D.C.

Decriminalization: administrative adjudication. Volume III: special summary report. Final report.

Urban Mass Transportation Administration, Washington, D.C.

A report of the status and potential implications of decriminalization of moving traffic violations. Final report.

National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Washington, D.C.

The effects of the Cannabis Expiation Notice System on the prevalence of cannabis use in South Australia: evidence from the National Drug Strategy Household Surveys 1985-95

This study sought to examine the impact of the Cannabis Expiation Notice (CEN) scheme on the prevalence of lifetime and weekly cannabis use in South Australia. Data from five National Drug Strategy Household Surveys between 1985 and 1995 were examined to test for differences in trends in self-reported: (1) lifetime cannabis use; and (2) current weekly cannabis use, after controlling for age and gender, between South Australia and the other states and territories. Between 1985 and 1995, rates of lifetime cannabis use increased in SA from 26% to 36%. There were also significant increases in Victoria (from 26% to 32%), Tasmania (from 21% to 33%) and New South Wales (from 26% to 33%). The increase in South Australia was significantly greater than the average increase throughout the rest of Australia, but the other Australian states differed in their rates of change. Victoria and Tasmania had similar rates of increase to South Australia; New South Wales, Queensland and Western Australia showed lower rates of increase; and the Northern Territory and the Australian Capital Territory had high rates that did not change during the period. There was no statistically significant difference between SA and the rest of Australia in the rate of increase in weekly cannabis use. While there was a greater increase in self- reported lifetime cannabis use in South Australia between 1985 and 1995 than in the average of the other Australian jurisdictions it is unlikely that this increase is due to the CEN system, because similar increases occurred in Tasmania and Victoria (where there was no change in the legal status of cannabis use), and there was no increase in the rate of weekly cannabis use in South Australia over the same period.

The recent Australian debate about the prohibition on cannabis use

This paper outlines the ethical arguments used in the Australian debate about whether or not to relax the prohibition on cannabis use by adults. Over the past two decades a rising prevalence of cannabis use in the Australian population has led to proposals for the decriminalization of the personal use of cannabis. Three states and territories have removed criminal penalties for personal use while criminal penalties are rarefy imposed in the remaining states. Libertarian arguments for legalization of cannabis use have attracted a great deal of media interest but very little public and political support. Other arguments in favour of decriminalization have attracted more support. One has been the utilitarian argument that prohibition has failed to deter cannabis use and the social costs of its continuation outweigh any benefits that it produces. Another has been the argument from hypocrisy that cannabis is less harmful than alcohol and so, on the grounds of consistency, if alcohol is legally available then so should cannabis. To date public opinion has not favoured legalization, although support for the decriminalization of personal cannabis use has increased. In the long term, the outcome of the debate may depend more upon trends in cannabis use and social attitudes among young adults than upon the persuasiveness of the arguments for a relaxation of the prohibition of cannabis.

Eutanásia ativa

Euthanasia, especially the active one, has always been an extremely discussed subject, which goes further pure dogmatics and transcends the strictly legal field. A reflection about such issue makes us re-think on what it implies for all the involved without ever loosing sight of the fact that admitting a legalization is, in a legal system as ours, to admit the lack of punishment of an homicide act or an assistance to suicide. However, burying in mind the foreign experiences, isn’t there a possibility of working on a path that respects both the basis of our legal system and the rest of the interests involved? And what interests would those be? How to admit such a path? Based on what assumptions? The present study proposes a discovery of paths and not the search for dead ends, creating definitive answers. The purpose of this dissertation is to explore the existing structure of the Portuguese legal system on these matters, in a path that is until now mostly in favour of punishment, based on homicide or assisted suicide crimes. Along with the Portuguese dynamic, we want to analyse legal systems that opted by decriminalization and, based on those experiences, shared with our legal culture, scan the viability of a decriminalization procedure. What paths would be viable for such a decriminalization in Portuguese criminal territory? The scope is only to open the eyes of who always wanted to keep them shut, or to who just never tried to open them, because at the end of the day it will always be a discussion that we want to keep light up, since that what we are here discussing is life. We want discussion, not imposition.

Velhas e novas drogas: impactos da toxicodependência: estudo de caso na cidade de Braga

Dissertação de mestrado em Sociologia (área de especialização em Organizações e Trabalho)

Les vicissitudes de la notion de délit de presse en droit algérien : délit de droit commun ou délit spécial ?

"Toute vérité est bonne à dire. Mais dire le droit nécessite sans doute la connaissance par le juge des normes universelles envisagées sous l'angle constitutionnel des droits fondamentaux de l'homme et de la société. Le fondement d'un tel principe trouve sa consécration dans le droit à l'information et à la protection juridique du devoir d'informer par les journalistes. Aujourd'hui, dans tout État de droit moderne et démocratique, la question se trouve nettement posée : comment adapter la fonction de poursuite et du jugement en matière de presse avec les garanties du droit à la liberté d'expression et au droit d'accès aux sources de l'information et par conséquent faciliter l'exercice de la mission du journaliste ? Aussi, comment organiser les relations professionnelles entre le pouvoir judiciaire, protecteur de l'ordre public et le pouvoir de la presse pourvoyeur et source de l'information ? Autant de questions qui se posent en droit algérien et au problème des limites de forme et de fond de ce droit et plus particulièrement en matière des délits de presse. Ainsi, ces aspects ont été mis en évidence dans différents systèmes juridiques, dans plusieurs pays du monde, notamment en droit pénal de la presse français. Cela implique l'intervention de l'État et des autorités publiques pour assurer et protéger le droit à l'information des citoyens qui constitue d'ailleurs le second aspect de la liberté d'information afin d'en assurer l'exercice effectif. Le problème est crucial en droit positif algérien ; il évolue souvent dans un climat de conflit et de tension entre le pouvoir et la presse de telle sorte que l'injure et la diffamation publique se définissent comme des délits de presse aux sanctions assez lourdes. Ces délits relèvent d'un régime pénal particulier dans la mesure où le législateur ne fait aucune distinction entre un article de presse considéré comme diffamatoire ou injurieux et une simple insulte proférée par un individu à l'encontre d'autres personnes. La spécificité de la profession journalistique n'est guère prise en compte. La notion d'exception de vérité fait défaut dans les dispositions ajoutées par le législateur en 2001 et modifiant le Code pénal algérien. De plus, la loi permet aux pouvoirs publics de s'autosaisir et d'engager automatiquement la procédure de poursuite judiciaire tant que le délit n'est pas prescrit. Cela nous interpelle sur le caractère spécial et exceptionnel de la notion de délit de presse et nous oblige à nous interroger sur leurs caractères d'identification en cas de déclenchement de l'action publique contre le journaliste ; et sur l'absence quasi-systématique du droit de réponse, au-delà des sanctions que le juge pourrait être amené à prononcer contre un organe de presse ou un journaliste. Certes, la dépénalisation des délits de presse n'est pas pour demain ; et le chemin est laborieux pour la corporation des journalistes mais personne ne peut nier leurs souhaits d'abolir les sanctions infligées à leur encontre par la proposition d'une application plus douce de la loi pénale aussi bien sur le plan de la procédure que sur le fond. Cela doit s'inscrire dans des nouvelles dispositions pour lesquelles le droit algérien de l'information ne peut pas être évidemment en marge, dans le cadre de la mondialisation de la presse, de l'émergence de la société de l'information et des nouveaux supports  de communication."

Whither RDS? An investigation of respondent driven sampling as a method of recruiting mainstream marijuana users.

Background: An important challenge in conducting social research of specific relevance to harm reduction programs is locating hidden populations of consumers of substances like cannabis who typically report few adverse or unwanted consequences of their use. Much of the deviant, pathologized perception of drug users is historically derived from, and empirically supported, by a research emphasis on gaining ready access to users in drug treatment or in prison populations with higher incidence of problems of dependence and misuse. Because they are less visible, responsible recreational users of illicit drugs have been more difficult to study. Methods: This article investigates Respondent Driven Sampling (RDS) as a method of recruiting experienced marijuana users representative of users in the general population. Based on sampling conducted in a multi-city study (Halifax, Montreal, Toronto, and Vancouver), and compared to samples gathered using other research methods, we assess the strengths and weaknesses of RDS recruitment as a means of gaining access to illicit substance users who experience few harmful consequences of their use. Demographic characteristics of the sample in Toronto are compared with those of users in a recent household survey and a pilot study of Toronto where the latter utilized nonrandom self-selection of respondents. Results: A modified approach to RDS was necessary to attain the target sample size in all four cities (i.e., 40 'users' from each site). The final sample in Toronto was largely similar, however, to marijuana users in a random household survey that was carried out in the same city. Whereas well-educated, married, whites and females in the survey were all somewhat overrepresented, the two samples, overall, were more alike than different with respect to economic status and employment. Furthermore, comparison with a self-selected sample suggests that (even modified) RDS recruitment is a cost-effective way of gathering respondents who are more representative of users in the general population than nonrandom methods of recruitment ordinarily produce. Conclusions: Research on marijuana use, and other forms of drug use hidden in the general population of adults, is important for informing and extending harm reduction beyond its current emphasis on 'at-risk' populations. Expanding harm reduction in a normalizing context, through innovative research on users often overlooked, further challenges assumptions about reducing harm through prohibition of drug use and urges consideration of alternative policies such as decriminalization and legal regulation.

Los usos políticos del lenguaje y el problema del discurso de género: caso la despenalización del aborto en Colombia

Este trabajo se centra en el análisis del discurso político y desde allí analiza la problemática que tiene el aborto en Colombia, con la intencionalidad de permitir a las mujeres decidir sobre su cuerpo sin que sean notablemente estigmatizadas y penalizadas por llevar a cabo una práctica que desde ciertos puntos de vista debe ser permitida para respetar los derechos de las mujeres. En ese sentido, la despenalización del aborto en Colombia se permite en tres casos específicos, por violación, peligro para la vida de la mujer o malformaciones en el feto; bajo estas premisas que han pasado por una evolución discursiva, que no sólo ha afectado a las mujeres, sino a la sociedad, ya que el problema se ha acrecentado y se ha convertido también, en un problema de salud pública. Es así, que desde autores como Bourdieu, Butler y Austin, se crean actos de palabra que desprenden el cuerpo de su lenguaje, crea fuerza en él y permiten acciones que aumenten el posicionamiento de las mujeres en la lucha reivindicatoria que les permita decidir qué hacer con su cuerpo.

Transformaciones discursivas en el proceso de securitización del narcotráfico. Un análisis de los actos discursivos oficiales de Colombia y Estados Unidos en la Guerra contra las drogas 1986 - 1990

El tema de las drogas suscita un debate entre quienes defienden la prohibición y la represión, y aquellos que defienden alternativas como la legalización y/o regulación y otras más moderadas como la descriminalización y la despenalización. Aunque ambas posturas muestran datos empíricos que las soportan, desde el ámbito discursivo la visión represiva se ha posicionado como la más aceptada en el continente americano, más específicamente, en Latinoamérica. El presente trabajo, hace un estudio de caso del proceso de securitización del narcotráfico entre los presidentes de Estados Unidos y Colombia durante el período 1986-1990. A lo largo del texto, se analizan discursos oficiales de los presidentes de ambos Estados, resaltando las estrategias retóricas y sus transformaciones que legitimaron acciones represivas de tipo político-militar contra las drogas. Al final se apunta a reivindicar el discurso como un instrumento para reproducir creencias sobre fenómenos, en este caso, la creencia de que las drogas son una amenaza existencial a la seguridad política y militar para los Estados.

La influencia de los sub-complejos de seguridad regional en la evolución del problema de las drogas como amenaza a la seguridad hemisférica en el marco de la Organización de Estados Americanos. Periodo 2003-2013

El objetivo de este trabajo monográfico es analizar la evolución del problema de las drogas dentro del marco de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA) durante el periodo comprendido entre los años 2003 y 2013. Se desarrolla un estudio sobre los dos grupos de países que más han participado en lo concerniente a este tema. Por un lado Estados Unidos, Canadá y México; y por otro lado Colombia, Perú y Bolivia son lo países que por sus lógicas y tendencias han impulsado este problema y su evolución, y por tanto también desde los cuales se han impulsado las diferentes tendencias y/o soluciones que en cuanto a este problema oscilan dentro de la OEA. Iniciando con la tendencia prohibicionista en 1978, en los últimos años se han desarrollado otras dos: la despenalización y la legalización. El análisis sobre la incidencia que han tenido los países nombrados anteriormente en el problema de las drogas se desarrollará a partir de la comprensión aportada por la teoría de los Complejos Regionales de Seguridad.

Sentencia de constitucionalidad condicionada. Caso sobre despenalización del aborto en Colombia (Jurisprudencia)

Este artículo se trata de un buen ejemplo de una sentencia de constitucionalidad condicionada, donde la Corte Constitucional de Colombia hizo una gran labor jurídica de explicar, una a una, las razones de su cambio de precedente en cuanto al aborto. Pues, por primera vez en cien años, se da la posibilidad a las mujeres colombianas que decidan qué hacer frente a un embarazo. Este artículo pretende un análisis sobre el tipo de sentencia que produjo la Corte Constitucional, sobre valores o principios que entraron en juego, la clase de interpretación que se realizó, para finalmente hacer una reflexión crítica del caso.

Militância, organização e mobilização antiproibicionista da maconha: coletivos, eventos e marchas em Natal (RN)

Based on the proposal entitled anti-prohibitionist, contrary to prohibition and illegality of cannabis and its use, the anti-prohibitionist Collectives proposes to discuss the topic of drugs, especially marijuana, aiming decriminalization and legalization of this psychoactive. With this idea was articulated anti-prohibitionist movement in Natal, by organizing collectives that discuss issues related to drug use and conduct activities directed to this issue, such as Marijuana Marches and Cycles of Debates anti-prohibitionist. In this study we sought to understand the positioning in social and cultural terms, the marijuana users participating of the collectives, on the situation of illegality of their actions, in front of social, legal and moral question involved in the illicit psychoactive, through initiatives conferences, events and demonstrations for this purpose