Representações pós-coloniais em Ruy Duarte: uma leitura de Os papéis do inglês

Representações pós-coloniais em Ruy Duarte de Carvalho: uma leitura de Os papéis do inglês investiga a narrativa ficcional do romancista e antropólogo angolano Ruy Duarte de Carvalho, partindo do pressuposto de que a obra contém uma intricada rede discursiva em que estão confrontados os discursos colonial, pós-colonial e a crítica do modelo utópico de nação que se buscou construir, e efetivamente se construiu, em Angola após a independência. Para-lelamente a essa rede discursiva, a narrativa também se constitui de um encontro de diversas formas literárias distintas a poesia, o diário, a prosa e o ensaio etnográfico, evidenciando a complexidade do romance em questão. Tendo como base o livro de Ruy Duarte de Carvalho, abordamos a história literária e política de Angola, seu desenvolvimento, suas relações e ten-sões principalmente com o colonizador europeu, com sua história passada e, mais recente-mente, com seu período independentista, procurando evidenciar como as releituras dos discur-sos históricos e ideológicos coloniais tornaram-se um campo profícuo para o desenvolvimento de narrativas literárias que ampliam os limites da escrita no âmbito ficcional e político-ideológico. Além dos textos de Ruy Duarte de Carvalho, este trabalho foi desenvolvido utili-zando como eixo norteador textos de estudiosos da literatura angolana, como Laura Padilha, Rita Chaves e José Carlos Venâncio; teóricos que discutem a crítica pós-colonial, como An-tonio Negri, Edward Said, Stuart Hall, Russel Hamilton e Boaventura de Sousa Santos; textos históricos escritos pelo colonizador português em solo angolano, como Henrique Galvão, Ralph Delgado e José Ribeiro da Cruz; além de textos escritos por intelectuais africanos, como Aimé Césaire e Amadou Hampaté-Bá, e teóricos que analisam as relações entre antropologia e literatura, como James Clifford

Globalized Antiquity: Uses and Perceptions of the Past in South Asia, Mesoamerica, and Europe

„Antike“ ist keine europäische Exklusivität: Das Buch zeigt, wie in Südasien, Mesoamerika und Europa je eigene Antiken konstruiert werden. In den untersuchten vorkolonialen, kolonialen und postkolonialen Zusammenhängen wird die Antike durch die zeitgenössische Geschichtspolitik stark mitbestimmt. Der Vergleich lässt die Verflechtung der Vorstellungen über die Vergangenheit zwischen „klassischer“ europäischer, indischer und mesoamerikanischer Antike von der frühen Neuzeit bis in die Gegenwart erkennen. Das Buch bietet Denkanstöße für Personen, die sich mit historisch interessierter Kulturanthropologie, kritischer Altertumswissenschaft und Globalgeschichte beschäftigen.

Pensar las ciencias sociales desde América Latina ante el cambio de época

Herederas de propuestas disciplinarias originales, como la teoría de la dependencia -y sus posteriores críticas desde el marxismo-, o del pensamiento socioeconómico de la CEPAL, las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas toman distancia de enfoques anglo-euro-céntricos, para avanzar en una línea crítica del pensamiento y de las prácticas neocolonialistas. El desafío para el pensamiento es ser cosmopolita y simultáneamente latinoamericano. En este proceso, el pensamiento social latinoamericano está logrando recuperar su originalidad y vigor, gracias a un rico diálogo Sur-Sur que no pierde de vista el carácter global de sus reflexiones y de sus referentes universales. Aunque ni el marxismo clásico ni el occidental son hegemónicos dentro de la teoría crítica, el (neo)marxismo enriquecido con la crítica a la colonialidad del poder, la teoría del Sistema-mundo, la geopolítica crítica y la ecología política recuperan el campo de la teoría crítica en clave fundadora de un pensamiento de época. Sus debates epistemológicos con el post-estructuralismo y diversos enfoques posmodernos configuran los desarrollos recientes de la teoría crítica.

Pensar las ciencias sociales desde América Latina ante el cambio de época

Herederas de propuestas disciplinarias originales, como la teoría de la dependencia -y sus posteriores críticas desde el marxismo-, o del pensamiento socioeconómico de la CEPAL, las ciencias sociales latinoamericanas toman distancia de enfoques anglo-euro-céntricos, para avanzar en una línea crítica del pensamiento y de las prácticas neocolonialistas. El desafío para el pensamiento es ser cosmopolita y simultáneamente latinoamericano. En este proceso, el pensamiento social latinoamericano está logrando recuperar su originalidad y vigor, gracias a un rico diálogo Sur-Sur que no pierde de vista el carácter global de sus reflexiones y de sus referentes universales. Aunque ni el marxismo clásico ni el occidental son hegemónicos dentro de la teoría crítica, el (neo)marxismo enriquecido con la crítica a la colonialidad del poder, la teoría del Sistema-mundo, la geopolítica crítica y la ecología política recuperan el campo de la teoría crítica en clave fundadora de un pensamiento de época. Sus debates epistemológicos con el post-estructuralismo y diversos enfoques posmodernos configuran los desarrollos recientes de la teoría crítica.

The Corio Oval tribe: Geelong Football Club in colonial times

Geelong, Victoria’s second city, has an AFL football club whose culture and identity is closely tied to the city itself. An analysis of its playing group for the colonial period demonstrates that this local tribalism began early. As football became professionalised towards the end of the nineteenth century, country Victoria lost power in relative terms to metropolitan Melbourne: for example, Ballarat’s three main clubs lost their senior status. But Geelong, with its one remaining senior club, prospered and was admitted to the VFL ranks in 1897. The Geelong players were the sons and nephews of the Western District squattocracy and so had access to networks of power and influence. Many attended the prestigious Geelong Grammar School and the worthy Geelong College (in surprisingly equal numbers). They pursued careers both on the land and in professional roles, and maintained the social connections they had built through the club and other local institutions. Despite their elite standing, however, they continued to be regarded by the supporter base as an embodiment of the city and a defence against the city’s Melbourne critics that Geelong was a mere ‘sleepy hollow’.

Spinoza/space/speed/sublime: Problems of philosophy and politics in the post-colonial fiction of Gerald Murnane

This article takes account of the ‘spontaneity’ of the post-colonial fiction of Gerald Murnane within the ‘dominating space’ of the philosophy of Spinoza. My use of Paul Carter’s terms here is strategic. The compact of fiction and philosophy in Murnane corresponds with the relationship of spontaneity to the dominating organization of desire in Carter’s rendering of an Aboriginal hunter. Carter’s phrase “‘a figure at once spontaneous and wholly dominated by the space of his desire’” worries Ken Gelder and Jane M. Jacobs, who suggest that it subjugates the formation of Aboriginal desire (incorporating spontaneity) to impulses of imperialism. The captivating immanence of Spinoza’s philosophy in Murnane’s fiction, which I will demonstrate with various examples, puts pressure on the fiction to occupy the same space as the space of the philosophy. Here is a clue to why Murnane’s post-colonial thematics have been little explored by critics with an interest in post-colonial politics. The desire of Spinoza’s philosophy creates a spatial textuality within which the spontaneity of Murnane’s fiction, to the degree that it maximizes or fills the philosophy, is minimized in its political effects. That is to say, the fiction shifts politics into an external space of what Roland Barthes calls “resistance or condemnation”. However, the different speeds (or timings) of Murnane and Spinoza, within the one space, mitigate this resistance of the outside, at least in respect of certain circumstances of post-coloniality. It is especially productive, I suggest, to engage Carter’s representation of an Aboriginal hunter through the compact of coincidental spaces and differential speeds created by Murnane’s fiction in Spinoza’s philosophy. This produces a ceaseless activation of desire and domination, evidenced in Murnane’s short story ‘Land Deal’, and indexed by a post-Romantic sublime. What limits the value of Murnane’s fiction in most contexts of post-colonial politics, is precisely what makes it useful in the matter of Carter’s Aboriginal hunter.

Disorderly categories in picture postcards from colonial Papua and New Guinea

At the turn of the century in Melbourne, a notice typed on the verso of a postcard stated that the South Yarra Baptist Young Men's class was meeting on the following Sunday at 2.45 p.m. The card, published in the United Kingdom, was numbered 51828 in the Valentine series of Papuan postcards.1 The image, a photograph of Hanuabada village taken in the early 1880s, and the text, written early in 1900, are contradictory and constitute separate realms of evidence that invite a renegotiation of meaning, analysis, and interpretation of the relationships between images, tourism, colonial rule, and ethnographic knowing. The visual evidence suggests the postcard may have played an ethnographic, educative role in the public understanding of Papua, which had just become an Australian Territory and was not yet well known. It is also suggestive of educative roles related to mission endeavours, subimperialist ambitions and the new tourist traffic through the ports of Port Moresby, Samarai, and Rabaul.

Post-colonial law : legal establishments from past empires are illegitimate

The extant literature covering the plights of indigenous people resident to the African continent consistently targets colonial law as an obstacle to the recognition of indigenous rights. Whereas colonial law is argued to be archaic and in need of review, which it is, this article argues the new perspective that colonial law is illegitimate for ordering the population it presides over – specifically in Africa. It is seen, in five case studies, that post-colonial legal structures have not considered the legitimacy of colonial law and have rather modified a variety of statutes as country contexts dictated. However, the modified statutes are based on an alien theoretical legality, something laden with connotations that hark to older and backward times. It is ultimately argued that the legal structures which underpin ex-colonies in Africa need considerable revision so as to base statutes on African theoretical legality, rather than imperialistic European ones, so as to maximise the law’s legitimacy.

Creative industries, its critics, and some answers

Arguments as to just what should be included under the definition of «creative industries» have limited their acceptance and the adoption of suitable policies. There are opposing analyses and statistical categories, such as the copyright industry, the content industry, the cultural industry, the digital content industry, the arts and entertainment industry, etc. that make it difficult to gather accurate, reliable, timely data on this mega-sector. Another major criticism is that «creative» work is idealised and that the exporting of the concept outside its country of origin may be tantamount to imperialism. However, the creative industries have evolved in the past ten years from being limited to specific sectors to becoming seen as creative agents that can generate change and innovation, and have achieved high levels of acceptance and significance in many different countries.

The identity of the empire : the Italian colonial experience in the design of places

The Italian Colonial Experience in the design of the built environment is analysed as a case study of State image promotion.

The ethical demands of settler colonial theory

This article explores the strengths and limitations of settler colonial theory (SCT) as a tool for non-Indigenous scholars seeking to disturb rather than re-enact colonial privilege. Based on an examination of recent Australian academic debates on settler colonialism and the Northern Territory intervention, we argue that SCT is useful in dehistoricizing colonialism, usually presented as an unfortunate but already transcended national past, and in revealing the intimate connections between settler emotions, knowledges, institutions and policies. Most importantly, it makes settler investments visible to settlers, in terms we understand and find hard to escape. However, as others have noted, SCT seems unable to transcend itself, in the sense that it posits a structural inevitability to the settler colonial relationship. We suggest that this structuralism can be mobilized by settler scholars in ways that delegitimize Indigenous resistance and reinforce violent colonial relationships. But while settlers come to stay and to erase Indigenous political existence, this does not mean that these intentions will be realized or must remain fixed. Non-Indigenous scholars should challenge the politically convenient conflation of settler desires and reality, and of the political present and the future. This article highlights these issues in order to begin to unlock the transformative potential of SCT, engaging settler scholars as political actors and arguing that this approach has the potential to facilitate conversations and alliances with Indigenous people. It is precisely by using the strengths of SCT that we can challenge its limitations; the theory itself places ethical demands on us as settlers, including the demand that we actively refuse its potential to re-empower our own academic voices and to marginalize Indigenous resistance.

Punishment and 'the People' : Rescuing Populism from its Critics

The term 'penal populism' is now reflexively used by criminologists to describe what many see as a dominant trend within penal policymaking in many western countries. The epithet 'populist' is used with no Jess frequency by media and other public commentators to refer (always pejoratively) to this or that political announcement, policy or style of political leadership, whether the context be specifically related to crime or some other arena of public affairs. In most accounts 'penal populism' (or 'populist punitiveness': Bottoms, 1995) is treated as a composite term. The two words are inseparably coupled and it is the penal that receives most of the detailed attention. As in more general political commentary, populism is tacitly understood as a negative and rather dangerous phenomenon, suggestive of manipulation, shallow-ness and demagoguery: in short, a corruption of normal, healthy democratic politics. As against such accounts, I want to suggest that debate about penal policymaking and its future -and particularly the prospects for more progressive policymaking in the area -would be assisted if populism was taken more seriously both conceptually and politically. This requires a decoupling of the concept of populism from what is habitually taken to be its punitive partner and that which defines its content. Currently the term is used without clear definition, let alone conceptual elaboration, to reference political pathology. Instead populism should be examined as a regular, meaningful dimension of contemporary political practice that has to be understood and engaged, not just denounced and extirpated. That is, I am seeking to make a case for bringing populism in from the despised margins to the centre of political practice and reflection. I will also briefly consider some of the implications this may have for penal politics specifically.