880 resultados para Crimes digitais


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Durante o processo de privatizações na década de 90, o Brasil adotou um abrangente marco regulatório para o setor de telecomunicações. Apesar desse esforço, uma questão fundamental acabou sendo deixada de lado: a regulação da Internet. Ao contrário de outros países, que ao final dos anos 1990 e começo dos anos 2000 adotaram legislações específicas para o tema, o Brasil, passados mais de 15 anos do acesso público à rede, ainda não possui dispositivos legislativos específicos sobre a questão. Ao final da década de 90, vários projetos de lei preocuparam-se com a regulação destes temas de forma ampla, mas nenhum logrou êxito. Temas fundamentais relacionados à estrutura da rede foram sendo progressivamente abandonados e substituídos por uma agenda exclusivamente criminal. No início dos dos anos 2000, praticamente desapareceu do Congresso Nacional qualquer proposta de regulação específica que pudesse abordar elementos fundamentais de um marco regulatório da internet. Em vez disso, passou a prevalecer uma agenda exclusiva no âmbito do direito criminal, com a tipificação de condutas e criação de penas. Exemplo significativo da onda subsequente de projetos de lei que procuraram regular a Internet por via do direito penal, o PLC 84/99 (numeração da Câmara)/ PLC 89/03 (numeração do Senado), provocou intensas reações negativas em um número significativo de atores da sociedade civil devido aos seus problemas de redação e inadequações técnicas, provocadores de danos colaterais consideráveis a direitos cruciais para o funcionamento de uma sociedade democrática: privacidade, liberdade de expressão, direito à comunicação e acesso ao conhecimento. Ao mesmo tempo, os vícios de redação do projeto representam riscos consideráveis para o potencial de inovação que emerge da Internet, com sérias consequências para o desenvolvimento da tecnologia, educação e economia do Brasil. O presente estudo traça um panorama histórico da regulação da Internet no Brasil, recorrendo ao direito comparado e história legislativa, propondo uma redação alternativa para o projeto em questão.

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The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the relationship between crime and morality, with a specific focus on crimes against morality. While we argue that all crimes have a general moral basis, condemned as wrong or bad and proscribed by society, there is a specific group of offences in modern democratic nations labelled crimes against morality. Included within this group are offences related to prostitution, pornography and homosexuality. What do these crimes have in common? Most clearly they tend to have a sexual basis and are often argued to do sexual harm, in both a moral and /or psychological sense, as well as physically. Conversely they are often argued to be victimless crimes, especially when the acts occur between consenting adults. Finally they are considered essentially private acts but they often occur, and are regulated, in the public domain. Most importantly, each of these crimes against morality has only relatively recently (ie in the past 150 years) become identified and regulated by the state as a criminal offence.

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The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the relationship between crime and morality, with a specific focus on crimes against morality. While we argue that all crimes have a general moral basis, condemned as ‘wrong’ or ‘bad’ and proscribed by a society, there is a specific group of offences in modern democratic nations labelled crimes against morality. Included within this group are offences related to prostitution, pornography and homosexuality. What do these crimes have in common? Most clearly they tend to have a sexual basis and are often argued to do sexual harm, in both a moral and/or psychological sense, as well as physically. Conversely they are often argued to be victimless crimes, especially when the acts occur between consenting adults. Finally, they are considered essentially private acts but they often occur and, are regulated, in the public domain. Most importantly, each of these crimes against morality has only relatively recently (i.e. in the past 150 years) become identified and regulated by the state as a criminal offence. First, we discuss philosophically the issue of morality and its historical relationship to Christianity, especially with regard to the issue of prostitution. Second, we examine the relationship between public and private morality and how this distinction regulates licit and illicit sex in our society through the example of homosexuality. Finally we discuss the notion of the victimless crime through the example of pornography.

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The purpose of this chapter is to discuss the relationship between crime and morality, with a specific focus on crimes against morality. While we argue that all crimes have a general moral basis, condemned as ‘wrong’ or ‘bad’ and proscribed by a society, there is a specific group of offences in modern democratic nations labelled ‘crimes against morality’. Included within this group are offences related to prostitution, pornography and homosexuality. What do these crimes have in common? Most clearly they tend to have a sexual basis and are often argued to do sexual harm, in both a moral and/or psychological sense, as well as physically. Conversely in some cases they are argued to be victimless crimes, especially when the acts occur between consenting adults. Finally, they are considered essentially private acts but they often occur, and are regulated, in the public domain. Most importantly, each of these crimes against morality has only relatively recently (i.e. in the past 150 years) become identified and regulated by the state as a criminal offence. First, we discuss philosophically the nexus between sex, crime and morality, especially with regard to the issue of prostitution. Second, we examine the relationship between public and private morality and how this dis¬tinction regulates licit and illicit sex in our society through the example of homosexuality. Finally we discuss the notion of sex as harm through the example of pornography.

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Oprincipal objetivo desse artigo é apresentar os resultados parciais de uma pesquisa em andamento sobre o processo de produção de conteúdo do portal Viva Favela, um dos projetos sociais realizados pela organização nãogovernamental Viva Rio. Partindo de uma abordagem conceitual que discute os modos pelos quais a mídia alternativa e o jornalismo público/jornalismo cívico criam as condições de possibilidade para que uma determinada prática jornalística dê ‘voz’ e ‘empodere’ (empower) moradores de periferias e favelas brasileiras, estamos realizando um estudo das rotinas produtivas do Viva Favela e seus ‘correspondentes comunitários’. O conceito sobre voice, de Jo Tacchi, oferece-nos um embasamento teórico adequado para refletirmos sobre o que vem sendo denominado, nos Estados Unidos, de digital storytelling – as narrativas digitais produzidas com as tecnologias de informação e comunicação para “contar estórias” 1, que são criativamente apropriadas, no Brasil, por moradores das favelas e periferias das regiões metropolitanas.

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Resumo: A partir de pesquisa sobre um portal colaborativo vinculado a iniciativas comunitárias do Rio de Janeiro, esse artigo discute os modos de fazer jornalismo propostos por autores que repensam as relações entre imprensa, democracia e esfera pública. Baseado em um levantamen-to bibliográfico, discute os conceitos de jornalismo cívico, jornalismo público e mídia alternati-va, apresentando os resultados parciais dessa pesquisa sobre as rotinas produtivas do portal Viva Favela.

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This chapter explores the political economy of air pollution. It draws on discourses of power, harm and violence to analyse air pollution within emerging frameworks of 'eco-crime' and atmospheric justice' (see Vanderheiden 2008; Walters 2010). In doing so, it identifies how green criminology continues to push new boundaries by engaging with issues of both global and local concern.

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The article examines the evidence of endemic financial crime in the global financial crisis (GFC), the legal impunity surrounding these crimes and the popular revolt against these abuses in the financial, political and legal systems. This is set against a consideration of the development since the 1970s of a conservative politics championing de-regulation, unfettered markets, welfare cuts and harsh law and order policies. On the one hand, this led to massively increased inequality and concentrations of wealth and political power in the hands of the super-rich, effectively placing them above the law, as the GFC revealed. On the other, a greatly enlarged, more punitive criminal justice system was directed at poor and minority communities. Explanations in terms of the rise of penal populism are helpful in explaining these developments, but it is argued they adopt a limited and reductionist view of populism, failing to see the prospects for a progressive populist politics to re-direct political attention to issues of inequality and corporate and white collar criminality.