866 resultados para Contestation : Liberation Movements


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Este trabalho se dedica ao estudo dos movimentos de libertação que atuaram na África do Sul ao longo do século XX em oposição ao regime de segregação racial do apartheid. O objetivo central é refletir sobre os processos de construção simbólica pelos quais passaram esses movimentos, no intuito de compreendê-los como produtores de suas próprias identidades coletivas. Destarte, propõe-se que essa constituição identitária girou em torno de três eixos principais. Primeiro, o multirracialismo, tendo origem na parceria entre diferentes organizações políticas, provenientes de distintos grupos raciais, que buscaram construir uma solidariedade em comum a partir de sua experiência de luta em conjunto na década de 1950. Em segundo lugar há a volorização da negritude enquanto identidade racial, elemento enfatizado pelos movimentos africanistas a partir da década de 1940. Por sua vez, a classe esteve presente desde a formação dos primeiros sindicatos negros na década de 1920, mas assumiu um tom mais político trinta anos depois, no momento de ascensão da luta por libertação. Afirma-se também que a dimensão interativa desses grupos enquanto subjetividades coletivas foi crucial para a delineação de suas identidades nessas bases, através de um complexo e relacional processo de intercâmbio simbólico entre si e o Estado.

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In this research, we propose a discussion from that observed in our field of work that women are prostitutes and who self-define understood. We check these women have sex with men by means of work and with women from the relationship of affection. We analyzed the practice of sexual activity as another possible expression of sexuality. There are many studies that deal with issues around the theme of prostitution and homosexuality in regard to various aspects and disciplines. Our proposal for study with these women is a topic that is on the agenda, as today, the theme of prostitution and homosexuality is well discussed within the Humanities in general. These new studies indicate about sexuality in a privileged place discussing values associated with the intimacy of the modern person, but also suggest that permeate discussions elements underlying the identity of women who have sex with women and men, the latter being, sexual activity mediated through the employment relationship by the financial interest, because according to our informants, prostitution is a job. From the reports of our participants / informants your answers fit the various brands that define the social field of possibilities of the sexual practices of individuals, raising questions about the origin and social class, family history, stage of life they are set of gender relations in the universe in which they live. All these elements provide the beacons to the process of shaping of subjectivity, understood as the social and biographical circumstances that define the direction I face this new constitution of the subject, it is defined by many theorists of the humanities, such as post-modern or modernity, and the insurgency that we have with the liberation movements that gays and lesbians were in question and make the politicization of sexuality

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Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

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El concepto “terrorismo", de presencia casi cotidiana debido al problema yihadista, suele ser utilizado por politólogos, sociólogos, periodistas e historiadores para cubrir un amplio espectro de acciones directas que poca relación tienen entre sí. De hecho, la violencia anarquista, desde su aparición en el Fin de Siècle europeo, fue caracterizada de esa forma, aunque principalmente por sus detractores. En este trabajo analizaremos el concepto “terrorismo anarquista" enunciando cuáles son sus principales límites a la hora de estudiar la violencia libertaria. Por otro lado, se cuestionarán las equiparaciones realizadas entre la violencia anarquista y la violencia yihadista, y las que se han hecho entre la primera y las acciones directas llevadas a cabo por hackers y movimientos de liberación animal, a los que cierta literatura suele asociar con lo libertario y lo terrorista.

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Map on cover.

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En las últimas décadas hemos asistido a un importante impulso en las investigaciones centradas en el análisis de las masculinidades. Este hecho no es casual y se debe fundamentalmente a dos razones. Una de carácter político, relacionada con el cuestionamiento de una sociedad representada exclusivamente en términos masculinos. Una segunda razón de carácter científico, ¿si la feminidad debía ser explicada por qué no la masculinidad? Ambas razones han incidido en la desnaturalización de una supuesta masculinidad de carácter universal y en la profusión de investigaciones tendentes a desvelar: las formas sociales de construir a los hombres, los mecanismos de reproducción del poder inscritos en los cuerpos, los desiguales modelos sociales en torno a lo masculino, las relaciones de dominación que se producen entre hombres y mujeres, y entre los propios hombres. Este cuestionamiento teórico de “lo masculino” ha estado muy vinculado al papel de los movimientos sociales y especialmente del feminismo y los movimientos de liberación sexual, que han jugado un papel central en la redefinición del papel de hombres y mujeres, y por tanto en la búsqueda de nuevas alternativas a los modelos tradicionales, también entre los propios hombres. En las páginas siguientes nos aproximaremos precisamente a la noción de masculinidad y masculinidades, incidiendo en su carácter relacional y cambiante, así como en sus distintas significaciones.

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This study examines the road to statehood for the Zionist and Palestinian movements. There are three components which frame this investigation: 1. social movements and the practices in which they engage that are aimed at establishing statehood for a people; 2. distinctive configurations of the international system and the manner in which both the material and ideational foundations of that system pulls units towards conformity and predictable behavior; and finally, 3. the role of agency, that is, the way in which instrumentally rational individuals attempt to push the structure in which they are embedded towards a configuration that is better suited to their interests and objectives The most influential factor guiding these struggles for national liberation are those forces which emanate from the prevailing structure of the international system. Not only was it demonstrated that the established material and ideational preferences of existing states have strong bearing on a movement’s ideological orientation and by consequence its chosen course of struggle, but hegemonic order configurations also define political cleavages and in so doing present movement leaders with both tactical and strategic opportunities by harnessing or exploiting those cleavages. From the agency perspective, the cases showed that the leadership of each movement was highly influential in the determination of a movement’s success or failure.

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This collection offers a diachronic analytical study of new and alternative social movements in Spain from the democratic transition to the first decade of the 21st century, paying attention to anti-war mobilizations and the use of new technologies as a mobilizing resource. New and alternative social movements are studied through the prism of identified linkages among the left, movement identities and global processes in the Spanish context. Weight is given to certain important historical aspects, like Spain’s relatively recent authoritarian past, and certain value-added factors, such as the weak associationalism and materialism exhibited by the Spanish public. These are complemented by exploring insights offered by key theoretical approaches on social movements (political opportunities structures, resource mobilization). The volume covers established social movement cases (gender, peace, environmental movements) as well as those with a more explicit connection to the current context of global contestation (squatters’ and anti-globalization movements).

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The introduction of Protestantism into the Middle East by American missionaries in the nineteenth century met with limited success while the responses and internalizations of local converts proved incredibly diverse. The two resultant theological descendants are Palestinian Christian Zionists and Palestinian Liberation Theologists. The article provides a short history of these two movements and highlights influential voices through interviews and media analysis. This article argues that hybrid religious identifications with nation and place has transcended, in some cases, political struggle for territory.

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Les mouvements nationalistes flamands et québécois divergent en concernant leur structure; par exemple le nationalisme flamand s'est développé comme un mouvement chrétien-démocrate, alors que le nationalisme québécois contemporain s’est galvanisé autour d'une idéologie laïque de gauche. Par ailleurs, il existe un contraste entre les poids sociodémographique, politique et économique portés par la région de Flandres en Belgique, et ceux portés dans la province du Québec au Canada. Cependant, malgré les influences divergentes structurelles et systémiques, les mouvements nationalistes flamand et québécois ont développé et maintenu des profils très similaires. Par exemple, les deux mouvements nationalistes se définissent par une distinction ethnolinguistique, les deux ont un discours nationaliste parallèle axé sur la nécessité de préserver et de protéger la langue et la culture de la communauté nationale, et les deux se concentrent sur l'obtention d'une redistribution des pouvoirs culturels et politiques. Dans ce mémoire, nous proposons que le profil nationaliste ressemblant du mouvement nationaliste flamand et québécois puisse être expliqué par le développement d'un « nationalisme ethnolinguistique de contestation », qui était initialement mis en place par les nationalistes flamands et québécois cherchant à corriger les effets d'une « division culturelle du travail ». Ce sentiment d’un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique est instrumentalisé et perpétué par les nationalistes flamands et québécois en évoquant certains « souvenirs partagés », qui sont trouvés dans le récit historique de la communauté nationale. Ces souvenirs partagés, ainsi que leurs représentations symboliques, reflètent les sentiments de protestation, injustice et victimisation, qui sont vitaux pour les nationalistes flamands et québécois dans le maintien de leur expression parallèlement à un nationalisme de contestation ethnolinguistique en Flandres et au Québec.

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This dissertation examines the ideological development of the Catholic University Student (JUC) movements in Cuba and Brazil during the Cold War and their organizational predecessors and intellectual influences in interwar Europe. Transnational Catholicism prioritized the attempt to influence youth and in particular, university students, within the context of Catholic nations within Atlantic civilization in the middle of the twentieth century. This dissertation argues that the Catholic university movements achieved a relatively high level of social and political influence in a number of countries in Latin America and that the experience of the Catholic student activists led them to experience ideological conflict and in some cases, rupture, with the conservative ideology of the Catholic hierarchy. Catholic student movements flourished after World War II in the context of an emerging youth culture. The proliferation of student organizations became part of the ideological battlefield of the Cold War. Catholic university students also played key roles in the Cuban Revolution (1957-1959) and in the attempted political and social reforms in Brazil under President João Goulart (1961-1964). ^ The JUC, under the guidance of the Church hierarchy, attempted to avoid aligning itself with either ideological camp in the Cold War, but rather to chart a Third Way between materialistic capitalism and atheistic socialism. Thousands of students in over 70 nations were intensively trained to think critically about pressing social issues. This paper will to place the Catholic Student movement in Cuba in the larger context of transnational Catholic university movements using archival evidence, newspaper accounts and secondary sources. Despite the hierarchy's attempt to utilize students as a tool of influence, the actual lived experience of students equipped them to think critically about social issues, and helped lay a foundation for the progressive student politics of the late 1960s and the rise of liberation theology in the 1970s. ^

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There is a mismatch between the kinds of movements used in gesture interfaces and our existing theoretical understandings of gesture. We need to re-examine the assumptions of gesture research and develop theory more suited to gesture interface design. In addition to improved theory, we need to develop ways for participants in the process of design to adapt, extend and develop theory for their own design contexts. Gesture interface designers should approach theory as a contingent resource for design actions that is responsive to the needs of the design process.

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One topic covered in Australian queer university student print media is the legalisation of same-sex marriage. The legalisation of same-sex marriage is currently generating much debate in Western queer communities. Same-sex marriage is legalised in some countries such as, Canada, Spain, the Netherlands and Belgium. It has been outlawed in Australia and most states in the US. Campaigns continue to reverse these restrictions. Other countries, such as the UK and New Zealand allow same-sex civil unions, providing couples with the rights afforded to married couples. There is a range of research documenting queer communities’ attitudes towards this issue (for example Lannutti 2005; Clarke, Burgoyne and Burns 2006; Yep, Lovaas and Elia 2003; Wolfson 1993; Egan and Sherrill 2005). These studies document broad community views as well as those of community sub-sections. For example, Yip (2004) looks at the views of gay and lesbian Christians on same-sex marriage and Lahey and Alderson (2004) document the experiences of same-sex couples who have gotten married or who are waiting to get married. Philosophical analyses consider the legalisation of same-sex marriage in relation to, for example, liberalism, equal rights, liberation, queer theory, citizenship, history, activism, religious discourse and feminism (Ferguson 2007; Jordan 2005; Josephson 2005; Lipton 2006; Sullivan and Chauncey 2005; Riggs 2007). This paper explores Australian queer university student activist media’s representation of same-sex marriage, and the debates surrounding its legalisation. It examines a selection of queer student media from four metropolitan Australian universities, and the 2003 and 2004 editions of national queer student publication, Querelle. This paper uses discourse analysis of queer student activists’ media representations of marriage to investigate this issue in one specific context – metropolitan Australian universities. This paper thus contributes to the history of queer activism, documenting what one group of young people say about the legalisation of same-sex marriage, and furthers research on queer perspectives of marriage and same-sex relationships.