Analisis de la politica exterior de Francia y Alemania frente a la Constitucion Europea de 2004, Bajo la Logica de la Nueva Razon de Estado

El Tratado que establece una Constitución para Europa (CNE) de 2004 fue el resultado de una serie de debates que iniciaron en el seno del eje franco-alemán, y se fueron expandiendo a los otros Estados miembro y Estados candidatos de Europa Central y Oriental (PECO¿s) de la UE. A través de la Convención Europea (CVE) se creó un borrador del tratado constitucional y posteriormente, en la CIG se negoció y firmó por los Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de dichos Estados. La presente monografía pretende explicar y analizar las diferentes posturas que tuvieron Francia y Alemania, respecto al debate, la negociación, y la ratificación de la CNE.

16 años de la circunscripción nacional para Senado en Colombia: ¿dónde está el espacio de representación nacional?

Uno de los grandes cambios establecidos en la Constitución de 1991, y el principal dentro del sistema electoral, fue el establecimiento de la circunscripción nacional para la elección del Senado de la República. Como toda norma, tenía unos objetivos claros a la hora de su implementación que eran, sin duda alguna, visibles en las extensas discusiones dentro del proceso constituyente. Este artículo pretende evaluar uno de esos objetivos, específicamente el orientado a la búsqueda manifiesta de hombres y mujeres que forjasen proyectos políticos para todo el colectivo colombiano y que, al hacerlo, buscasen su elección en todo el territorio nacional y se autoconcibieran como líderes de toda la nación, superando el vínculo tradicionalmente regional que la historia ha visto pasar por el Senado en sus extensos 60 años de existencia. Para ello hemos sistematizado, descrito y analizado los resultados de los cinco eventos electorales que se han llevado a cabo para la elección del Senado desde 1991, con la ayuda de una revisión bibliográfica pertinente que permite comprender dichos resultados y ubicarlos en una esfera lógica de comportamiento de los candidatos escogidos en la circunscripción nacional. En este caso la explicación se inscribe dentro de la teoría de elección racional.-----One of the great changes established in the Constitution of 1991, and the main one within the electoral system, was the establishment of National Electoral District for the election of the Senate of the Republic. As with all laws, there were clear objectives at the time of its implementation that are, without doubt, visible in the extensive discussions within the constitutional process. This article intends, therefore, to evaluate one of these objectives, specifically the one focused on the public search for men and women who would forge political projects for Colombia as a whole and by doing so, would seek to be elected across the national territory and to design themselves as leaders of the whole country, thus overcoming the traditional regional links that history has seen pass through the Senate in its extensive 60 yeas of existence. In this light, the electoral results of the five electoral events that have taken place for the election of the Senate since 1991, have been automated, described, and analyzed, with the help of the relevant bibliographic review that allows to understand said results and place them within the logical sphere of the behavior of candidates chosen in the national district; in this case, the explanation is in line with the rational election theory.

A construction como método concretizador de direitos fundamentais: aplicação na jurisdição constitucional brasileira

The way of organization of the constitutional jurisdiction implies the possibility to extend the democratization of the same one in function of the popular participation in the active legitimacy to constitutional process (procedimentalist model) e, at the same time, to assure technical viable decisions fast and to the complex problems of the constitucional law (substancialist model). The comparison with the constitutional jurisdiction of U.S.A. becomes interesting from the knowledge of the wide power to decide experience of Supreme the Court that for a methodology of construction of rights and not simply of interpretation of the Constitution, brought up to date and reconstructed throughout its historical evolution the direction of the norms of basic rights and the North American principles constitutional. Construction while constitutional hermeneutic method of substancialist matrix works with techniques as the measurement of principles, the protection of interests of minorities and the entailing of the basic rights with values politicians, what it can be brought to evidence of the Brazilian constitutional jurisdiction in order to improve the construction of basic rights that comes being carried through for the judicial ativism in control of the diffuse and abstract constitutionality. To define the limits of construction is to search, on the other hand, a dialogue with the procedimentalists thesis, aiming at the widening of the participation of the citizen in the construction of the basic rights for the constitutional process and to argue forms of the society to evaluate the pronounced decisions activist in the controls diffuse and abstract of constitutionality

Daniil Borisovich Elkonin: um estudo das idéias de um ilustre (des)conhecido no Brasil

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A regulação jurídica constitucional dos meios e a monopolização das transmissões esportivas

It is this presentation of search results undergraduates, which had the purpose to analyze the legal regulation constitutional produced during the constituent process of 87/88 on the right of ownership of the media, in order to investigate the ban constitutional monopoly and oligopoly in the appropriation of the means. A research proposal considers that this prohibition is also, as a consequence, the seal of the oligopoly and monopoly in the transmission of information, assuming a market plural and diverse. Further considers that, notwithstanding the statutory prohibition on the plane of reality some media companies monopolize certain sectors of the economy, controlling the flow of information, as can be seen in the recent issue about the monopoly rights to broadcast games of the Championship Football Serie A, by the Globo Television Network, a theme that will be used to justify the illegality pointed to the sector. In this sense, the research revisited the constitutional process in order to analyze the projects and legislative debates that led to the current constitutional regulation of ownership of the media, as well as reviewed the decision of the Administrative Council for Economic Defense (CADE) in against the monopoly of the Globo broadcasts Brasileirão, series A.

A agenda da regulação da comunicação social no Brasil: da constituinte aos impasses contemporâneos

The paper analyzes the regulatory framework for the Media in Brazil in the Federal Constitution and the nexus between democratization and constitutional process, interpreting relevant actors (government, political parties, civil society) and figured as the themes of communication and institutional political agenda. The obstacles to the regulation of many of the statements remain constitutional (right of communication; seal monopolies / oligopolies; regionalization of cultural production; nationalist character in control of broadcasting; compatibility between segments state, public and commercial; Social Communication Council), that replaces debate on the very principle of the right to communication regulation by analyzing the corresponding decisionmaking processes. This conflictual agenda-setting involves multiple interests, from strictly commercial aspirations of companies operating in this market, going by the increasing share of religious institutions who also want to expand upon practices of proselytizing until the interests of policy makers who also have control over a slice of that business.

「アラブの春」後の移行期過程 -- 帰結を分ける諸要因

Diverging outcomes are unfolding in the post-Arab Uprising countries' transitional processes. In January 2014, Tunisia successfully adopted a new constitution based on a consensus of the opposing political parties and factions. In contrast, Egypt abolished one constitution and hastily instituted another in a time span of slightly more than a year. Yemen has announced the final document of the National Dialogue Conference in the same month. Libyans finally voted for the long awaited and disputed elections of the Constitutional Drafting Committee in February 2014. The paper picks up three factors which seem to be influential in determining the modality of transitional political process in the four Post-Arab spring countries. The first is the initial conditions of the transitional politics.. Differences in the way the previous regimes collapsed are analyzed to illuminate the continuity and break of the ruling institutions and state apparatus. The second factor is the type of the interim government. In line with Shain and Linz typology, provisional, power-sharing, caretaker, and international interim government models are applied to clarify the types of interim governments in each four countries' different phases in transitional politics. The third is the "rules of the game," particularly those pertaining to the constitutional process. Who set what kind of rules and how are to be considered in each of four countries and possible influences of each set of the rules of the game to the diverging results of the transitional politics are considered.

A interpretação conforme a constituição na doutrina brasileira: uma análise das relações entre conceitos e os limites à utilização da técnica

O objeto desta pesquisa são as relações entre os conceitos de interpretação conforme a Constituição e os limites à utilização, segundo a doutrina brasileira. O propósito é verificar se e como os diferentes conceitos de interpretação conforme a Constituição empregados pelos autores influenciam seus argumentos em torno dos limites à utilização desse instrumento. Parte-se de um referencial teórico de análise conceitual, ancorado sobretudo nos trabalhos de Brian Bix e Andrew Halpin, para estruturar-se a identificação e a análise dos diferentes conceitos presentes na literatura. Opta-se pela apresentação das ideias dos autores mais influentes na doutrina nacional, selecionados a partir de um critério de número de citações e especialidade da obra. Ao final, conclui-se que: (a) os autores utilizam ao menos nove conceitos diferentes: (i) como interpretação orientada pela Constituição, (ii) integração conforme a Constituição, critério normativo (iii) com e (iv) sem declaração de inconstitucionalidade, (v) interpretação extensiva ou restritiva de acordo com a Constituição, (vi) declaração de inconstitucionalidade da interpretação em concreto, (vii) um tipo de decisão com estrutura específica e (viii) um tipo de dispositivo decisório específico; (ix) um argumento retórico; (b) que os autores geralmente mencionam os mesmos limites, independentemente do conceito que adotam; (c) que, no entanto, os limites não se adequam da mesma forma a todos os conceitos empregados. Sustenta-se que o esclarecimento dessas relações é capaz de aumentar a compreensão sobre o tema, inclusive para os fins de análise da jurisprudência.

Only if “je est un autre” Can I Recognise You: Reflections on Canada’s Process of Constitutional Recognition of the “Preexistence of Distinctive Aborignial Societies”

1er Prix du concours d'initiation à la recherche organisé par le Regroupement Droit et Changements. La Loi sur les Indiens institutionnalise toujours de nombreuses facettes de ce qu’est être « Indien » pour beaucoup d’individus au Canada et un changement de perspective doit être opéré. Cet essai puise dans la pensée du philosophe Theodor Adorno pour réfléchir aux tentatives de reconnaissance juridique par le Canada des individus et sociétés autochtones en vertu de l’article 35 de la Constitution. L’auteur présente la théorie de la dialectique négative d’Adorno de 1966 sur le rapport à l’altérité, à partir de l’analyse de la professeure Drucilla Cornell, afin d’identifier ce que sa pensée prescrit pour établir des rapports non-oppressants entre Autochtones et non-Autochtones et leurs gouvernements aujourd’hui. La dialectique négative est particulièrement appropriée à la tentative de reconnaissance juridique de l’existence des sociétés autochtones par le Canada, du fait de leur statut marginalisé et de leurs revendications à la spécificité. Après avoir établi un tel cadre, l’auteur souligne que des précédentes tentatives de reconnaissances se sont soldées par des échecs en raison des désaccords au niveau des valeurs impliquées et des concepts utilisés auxquels elles ont donné lieu. Le processus de signature des traités numérotés de 1871-1921 est employé comme illustration en raison de son résultat souvent décrit aujourd’hui comme coercitif et injuste en dépit du discours de négociation sur un pied d’égalité l’ayant accompagné. Les critiques contemporaines de la politique en vigueur de mise en œuvre de l’autonomie gouvernementale autochtone par des accords négociés sont également présentées, afin d’illustrer que des désaccords quant à la manière dont l’État canadien entend reconnaître les peuples autochtones persistent à ce jour. L’auteur ajoute que, du point de vue de la dialectique négative, de tels désaccords doivent nécessairement être résolus pour que des rapports moins oppressifs puissent être établis. L’auteur conclut que la dialectique négative impose à la fois de se considérer soi-même (« je est un autre ») et de considérer l’autre comme au-delà des limites de sa propre pensée. La Cour suprême a déjà reconnu que la seule perspective de la common law n’est pas suffisante pour parvenir à une réconciliation des souverainetés des Autochtones et de la Couronne en vertu de la Constitution. Le concept de common law de fiduciaire présente un véhicule juridique intéressant pour une reconfiguration plus profonde par le gouvernement canadien de son rapport avec les peuples autochtones, priorisant processus plutôt que résultats et relations plutôt que certitude. Il doit toutefois être gardé à l’esprit que la reconnaissance de ces peuples par l’État canadien par le prisme de la pensée d’Adorno présente non seulement le défi d’inclure de nouvelles perspectives, mais également de remettre en cause les prémisses fondamentales à partir desquelles on considère la communauté canadienne en général.

Synergistic interaction between gold nanoparticles and nickel phthalocyanine in layer-by-layer (LbL) films: evidence of constitutional dynamic chemistry (CDC)

The concept of constitutional dynamic chemistry (CDC) based on the control of non-covalent interactions in supramolecular structures is promising for having a large impact on nanoscience and nanotechnology if adequate nanoscale manipulation methods are used. In this study, we demonstrate that the layer-by-layer (LbL) technique may be used to produce electroactive electrodes with ITO coated by tetrasulfonated nickel phthalocyanine (NiTsPc) alternated with poly(allylamine hydrochloride) (PAH) incorporating gold nanoparticles (AuNP), in which synergy has been achieved in the interaction between the nanoparticles and NiTsPc. The catalytic activity toward hydrogen peroxide (H(2)O(2)) in multilayer films was investigated using cyclic voltammetry, where oxidation of H(2)O(2) led to increased currents in the PAH-AuNP/NiTsPc films for the electrochemical processes associated with the phthalocyanine ring and nickel at 0.52 and 0.81 V vs. SCE, respectively, while for PAH/NiTsPc films (without AuNP) only the first redox process was affected. In control experiments we found out that the catalytic activity was not solely due to the presence of AuNP, but rather to the nanoparticles inducing NiTsPc supramolecular structures that favored access to their redox sites, thus yielding strong charge transfer. The combined effects of NiTsPc and AuNP, which could only be observed in nanostructured LbL films, point to another avenue to pursue within the CDC paradigm.

Mixed Blessing? EP Oversight of the ESDP and the Constitutional Treaty

As commonly held, the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) suffers from a “double democratic deficit”: the EP has a marginal role in the ESDP-making process and the national parliaments remain unable to account for their own government. Therefore pressure coming from these two institutions had been exercised during the Convention on the Future of Europe to improve the democratic oversight on this rapidly evolving policy. This paper investigates the innovations included in the Constitutional Treaty, focusing specifically on the new role granted to the EP. It shows that even though this text does not substantially modify the inter-institutional balance of powers in the ESDP area, the EP may take advantage of some of its articles to become an actor in the ESDP-control process in the ‘living constitution.

Legitimacy in question : elite-mass relations, constitutional reform and Canadian democracy /

During the 1980s and 1990s, Canadian political authority orientations underwent a significant transformation. Canadians are no longer deferential towards their political elites. Instead, they are autonomous, challenging, and increasingly participatory, and this continuing trend has brought the procedural legitimacy of the Canadian political process into question. The following study of elite-mass relations within Canadian democracy attempts to provide insight into the meaning of this change and how it should be addressed. An attitudinalbehavioural analysis ofthe electorate presents evidence that popular cynicism and alienation is rooted more deeply in a dissatisfaction with political institutions and traditions than with politicians. A structural analysis of the elected political elite reveals the failure of consociational traditions to provide effective representation as well as the minimal impact which the aforementioned orientation shift has had upon this elite. An event-decisional analysis, or case study, ofelite-mass relations in the arena of constitutional politics augments these complementary profiles and illustrates how the transformed electorate has significantly restricted the elected political elite's role in constitutional reform. The study concludes that the lack ofresponsiveness, representativeness, and inclusiveness ofCanada's elected political elite, political institutions, and political traditions has substantially eroded the procedural legitimacy of Canadian democracy during the 1980s and 1990s. Remedying these three deficiencies in the political system, which are the objects of increasing public demand, may restore legitimacy, but the likelihood that such reforms will be adopted is presently uncertain in the face of formidable difficulties and obstacles.

General Legitimacy of Judicial Review and the Fundamental Basis of Constitutional Law

Four questions dominate normative contemporary constitutional theroy: What is the purpose of a constitution? What makes a constitution legitimate? What kinds of arguments are legitimate within the process of constitutional interpretation? What can make judicial review of legislation legitimate in principle? The main purpose of this text is to provide one general answer to the last question. The secondary purpose is to show how this answer may bear upon our understanding of the fundamental basis of constitutional law. These two purposes should suggest particular answers to the first three questions.

Canada’s Unfathomable Unwritten Constitutional Principles

Since the advent of the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms in 1982, Canadians courts have become bolder in the law-making entreprise, and have recently resorted to unwritten constitutional principles in an unprecedented fashion. In 1997, in Reference re Remuneration of Judges of the Provincial Court of Prince Edward Island, the Supreme Court of Canada found constitutional justification for the independence of provincially appointed judges in the underlying, unwritten principles of the Canadian Constitution. In 1998, in Reference re Secession of Quebec, the Court went even further in articulating those principles, and held that they have a substantive content which imposes significant limitations on government action. The author considers what the courts' recourse to unwritten principles means for the administrative process. More specifically, he looks at two important areas of uncertainty relating to those principles: their ambiguous normative force and their interrelatedness. He goes on to question the legitimacy of judicial review based on unwritten constitutional principles, and to critize the courts'recourse to such principles in decisions applying the principle of judicial independence to the issue of the remuneration of judges.

Frequency of Chromosome Healing and Interstitial Telomeres in 40 Cases of Constitutional Abnormalities.

Human telomeres play a major role in stabilizing chromosome ends and preventing fusions. Chromosomes bearing a broken end are rescued by the acquisition of a new telomeric cap without any subtelomeric sequences being present at the breakpoint, a process referred to as chromosome healing. Conversely, a loss of telomeric function or integrity can lead to the presence of interstitial telomeres at the junction site in translocations or ring chromosomes. In order to determine the frequency at which interstitial telomeres or chromosome healing events are observed in target chromosome abnormalities, we conducted a retrospective FISH study using pan-telomeric and chromosome-specific subtelomeric probes on archival material from 40 cases of terminal deletions, translocations or ring chromosomes. Of the 19 terminal deletions investigated, 17 were negative for the subtelomeric probe specific to the deleted arm despite being positive for the pan-telomeric probe. These 17 cases were thus considered as been rescued through chromosome healing, suggesting that this process is frequent in terminal deletions. In addition, as two of these cases were inherited from a parent bearing the same deletion, chromosomes healed by this process are thus stable through mitosis and meiosis. Regarding the 13 cases of translocations and eight ring chromosomes, four and two cases respectively demonstrated pan-telomeric sequences at the interstitial junction point. Furthermore, two cases of translocations and one ring chromosome had both interstitial pan-telomeres and subtelomeres, whereas two other cases of ring chromosomes and one case of translocation only showed interstitial subtelomeres. Therefore, interstitial (sub)telomeric sequences in translocations and ring chromosomes are more common than previously thought, as we found a frequency of 43% in this study. Moreover, our results illustrate the necessity of performing FISH with both subtelomeric and pan-telomeric probes when investigating these rearrangements, as the breakpoints can be either in the distal part of the pan-telomeres, or in between the two types of sequences.