985 resultados para Conservative Party of Canada


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Plusieurs indices permettent de croire que le premier ministre Harper a pour projet de faire du Parti conservateur le parti politique dominant au Canada. À cette fin, il doit transformer l’organisation sociale et politique du pays de façon à le rendre plus conservateur. L’objectif du présent mémoire est de préciser les fondements idéologiques du projet de réforme de l’État canadien du premier ministre en m’appuyant sur les écrits des membres de l’École de Calgary. Je fais l’hypothèse que les politiques publiques mises en place par Harper sont inspirées des convictions des membres de cette école de pensée, dont il est un proche. Dans le premier chapitre, je détermine la signification du concept d’idéologie et établis la pertinence de l’analyse des idéologies pour expliquer les décisions politiques. Je définis ensuite les principaux types de conservatisme, afin de déterminer lequel inspire les membres de l’École de Calgary et le Parti conservateur. Dans le second chapitre, je dresse un portrait de la pensée de l’École de Calgary relativement à quatre thèmes, soit ceux du développement économique et social, du pouvoir judiciaire, de la politique étrangère et de l’identité nationale. Enfin, dans le troisième chapitre, je recense les décisions prises par le gouvernement Harper en relation avec ces quatre mêmes thèmes et vérifie leur concordance avec les idées portées par l’École de Calgary.

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This article provides an empirical analysis of voting behaviour in the second ballot of the 1990 Conservative leadership contest that resulted in John Major becoming party leader and prime minister. Seven hypotheses of voting behaviour are generated from the extant literature relating voting to socio-economic variables (occupational and educational background), political variables (parliamentary experience, career status, age and electoral marginality) and ideological variables (drawn from survey data on MPs' positions on economic, European and moral issues). These hypotheses are tested using data on voting intentions gathered from published lists of MPs' declarations, interviews with each of the leadership campaign teams, and correspondence with MPs. Bivariate relationships are presented, followed by logistic regression analysis to isolate the unique impact that each variable had on voting. This shows that educational background, parliamentary experience and (especially) attitudes to Europe were the key factors determining voting. The importance of Europe in the contest is particularly instructive: the severe problems for Major's leadership which were caused by the issue can be attributed to, and understood in the context of, the 1990 contest in which he became leader.

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Research on political parties has long identified “environmental” pressures upon parties to undertake organisational and programmatic reforms – this applies in particular to “catch-all” parties or Volksparteien. Changed social and media structures, the decline of organisations traditionally associated with the parties, and the growth in alternative possibilities of political participation create significant organisational – as well as programmatic – challenges. This paper compares the German CDU and the British Conservatives in two respects: in particular it focuses on their organisational responses to the election defeats they suffered at the end of the 1990s, examining those reforms which took place and consider whether these match the expectations of organisational reforms anticipated by proponents of the “cartel party thesis”. While in both cases there are similarities, but (in particular in the German case) it is important not to understate the extent of internal party resistance to reform, and thus the difficulties with which aspiring party reformers are confronted. This conclusion suggests, more broadly, that in reality the process of party change is more than an almost automatic, isomorphic, and inevitable response to a changing environment. Rather it is punctuated, messy, and often contingent on events and agents.

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The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

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How did conservatives, who had become effectively ostracized by their party following the Great Depression and the societal reforms of the New Deal, regain leverage within the GOP during the 1960s? My hypothesis is two-fold. First, I contend that a small group of conservative activists led by F. Clifton White, in spite of a dearth of resources and manpower, managed to infiltrate Republican infrastructure and “hijack” the delegate- selection process. The distinctly conservative and recalcitrant disposition of the Goldwater delegates demonstrates that these activists succeeded. Second, I argue that in addition to temporarily overpowering the national convention in 1964, conservatives thereafter retained control of the party insofar as subsequent GOP candidates were obliged to garner the support of conservative pockets of the country in order to win the presidential nomination. The resulting rightward shift of the Republican Party following the 1960s is a direct corollary of the conservative takeover outlined in this study.

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The purpose of this paper is to consider how libraries support the development of community networks both physically and digitally. To do this, a case-study methodology was employed, including a combination of data about the library and qualitative interviews with library users considering their experience of the library. This paper proposes that libraries act as ‘third places’ spatially connecting people; libraries also build links with online media and play a critical role in inclusively connecting non-technology users with the information on the Internet and digital technology more generally. The paper establishes the value of libraries in the digital age and recommends that libraries actively seek ways to develop links between non-technology users and activity on the Internet. It addresses the need to reach these types of non-technology users in different ways. Further, it suggests that libraries utilise their positioning as third places to create broader community networks, to support local communities beyond existing users and beyond the library precinct.

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This article considers the significance of the first export of essential medicines under the WTO General Council Decision 2003. In July 2007, Rwanda became the first country to provide a notification under the WTO General Council Decision 2003 of its intent to import a fixed-dose, triple combination HIV/AIDS drug manufactured by the Canadian generic pharmaceuticalmanufacturer Apotex, Inc. In September 2007, Apotex was granted the first compulsory licence application under Canada's Access to Medicines Regime. This article considers the convoluted and protracted negotiations between the Government of Rwanda, Apotex and three patent holders, GlaxoSmithKline, Boehringer Ingleheim Canada and Shire BioChemical, Inc. It questions the efficiency of this process. This article considers the review of the Jean Chretien Pledge to Africa Act 2004 (Canada). It is critical of the refusal of the Conservative Government of Canada to make any amendments to the legislation to improve the cost-effective delivery of essential medicines. This article queries the proposed Hong Kong Amendment to the TRIPS Agreement 1994, given the concerns of the Africa Group. It is submitted that it is undesirable to codify the WTO General Council Decision 2003, given its failure to provide a speedy, efficient and cost-effective delivery of essential medicines.

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Left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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Left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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left to right: Margot Molling, Ilse Molling, Adolf Molling, Paul Goldschmidt (husband of Ilse Molling)

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The Workinq Party of North West Water Authority and the Annan District Salmon Fishery Board's aims were to identify the current problems relating to the salmon and freshwater fisheries in the Solway Firth and its tributaries (embracing the catchments of the Annan, Kirtle Water, Sark, Esk, Eden, Wampool and Waver - and possibly also the Lochar Water and the Nith) to produce agreed outline solutions, and to consider the financial aspects of the future administration of these fisheries.