689 resultados para Conciliação - Reconciliation
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A flexibilidade é o conceito mais apropriado para descrever as práticas de gestão das organizações num contexto extremamente incerto e cambiante como o atual; emerge como um conceito heterogéneo, frequentemente, associado às noções de polivalência, disponibilidade, adaptabilidade, insegurança, mobilidade e instabilidade profissional. Robert Boyer (1986) foi quem denunciou, logo na década de 1980, o lado precário da flexibilidade, falando em “flexibilidade danosa”. Charles Tilly (1976) avançou o conceito de career migration, indagando o facto de os trabalhadores poderem ser deslocados de locais de trabalho para servirem os interesses da organização, subordinando-lhe os seus interesses privados. Este estudo analisou uma equipa de trabalho que está vinculada à organização militar através de um contrato por tempo determinado e que se encontra em constantes deslocações (mobilidade geográfica) no desempenho das suas funções. Trata-se da equipa do Projeto do Dia da Defesa Nacional (PDDN), constituída por 42 oficiais. Tendo em conta esta realidade, perspetivou-se conhecer a especificidade das condições de trabalho deste grupo de profissionais, problematizando especificamente as consequências positivas e negativas deste tipo de funções e a maneira como avaliam a sua situação, procurando conhecer os impactos desta forma de flexibilidade laboral. Questionou-se, em particular, os impactos da mobilidade geográfica permanente a nível da conciliação entre as várias esferas de vida, das estratégias de adaptação a cada equipa, a cada centro, às diferentes realidades militares, às diferentes cidades; questionaram-se os impactos do tipo de vínculo em termos de expetativas e estratégias profissionais, de acesso a formação e outros mecanismos de desenvolvimento profissional, do sentimento de pertença à organização, do ambiente de trabalho e das relações interpessoais, do apoio prestado pela supervisão; e também se procurou compreender as diferenças entre estes oficiais (contratados) e o pessoal do quadro permanente (QP) das Forças Armadas. Através de um inquérito por questionário e da realização de 9 entrevistas em profundidade foi possível conhecer a forma como refletem e avaliam as suas condições de trabalho, os efeitos da precariedade do seu vínculo quer na própria organização militar quer em termos de expetativas e projetos socioprofissionais, explorando-se os impactos da mobilidade geográfica permanente (mensal) nas várias esferas de vida das pessoas da equipa. / Flexibility is the concept most appropriated to describe the management practices in a highly uncertain and changing context like the present; it appears as a heterogeneous concept often associated with concepts of versatility, availability, adaptability, insecurity, professional mobility and instability. Robert Boyer (1986) denounced, then in the 1980s, the poor side of flexibility, talking of "harmful flexibility." Charles Tilly (1976) advanced the concept of “career migration”, questioning the fact that workers can be displaced from the workplace to serve the organization's interests, subordinating their own private interests. This work studied a working team that is tied to the military organization through a fixed-term contract and is in constant movement (geographical mobility) in the performance of their duties. That’s the team of Projeto do Dia da Defesa Nacional (PDDN) consisting of 42 officers. Given this reality, it sought to know the specific working conditions of this group of professionals, specifically questioning the positive and negative consequences of this kind of functions and the way they evaluate their situation, trying to understand the impacts of this form of labor flexibility. It was questioned, in particular, the impact of geographical mobility at the level of permanent reconciliation between the various spheres of life, adaptation strategies, to different cities teams, centers and military realities; questioned the impacts in terms of expectations and professional strategies, access to training and other forms of professional development, the sense of belonging to the organization, the work environment and interpersonal relationships, the support provided by supervision; and also it sought to understand the differences between these officers (hired) and the staff of the permanent (QP) of the Armed Forces. Through a survey and nine in-depth interviews we were able to understand how professionals reflect and evaluate their working conditions, the effects of the precarity either in military organization and also in terms of their expectations and socioprofessional projects, exploring the impacts of geographical mobility (monthly) in the different spheres of life.
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A Conciliação política foi um tema muito altercado no meado do Oitocentos no Segundo Reinado brasileiro. Este debate fora intensamente travado entre os principais partidos imperiais, Liberal e Conservador, que se alternavam no poder ao longo de quase 50 anos de comando do imperador D. Pedro II. Sobre seu governo, considerado por Joaquim Nabuco como a Grande Era Brasileira, é que este autor legou à historiografia posterior a sua obra máxima: Um Estadista do Império. Nossa dissertação parte da seguinte premissa: D. Pedro II no desejo de reinar, governar e administrar, acima dos partidos, encetou o seu Pensamento Augusto, isto é, a Conciliação. Os liberais acusavam a Conciliação de esvaziar suas propostas ao serem implementadas pelos conservadores. Estes que se encontravam no poder desde 1848, liderados pelos saquaremas, rechaçaram completamente tal ideia, pois entendiam que esta política patrocinada pela Coroa poderia enfraquecer seu partido. O Receio virou realidade, mediante algumas das medidas tomadas pelo Gabinete, pois para tal empreendimento, de compor um ministério com políticos liberais e conservadores, a Coroa contou com Honório Hermeto Carneiro Leão, Marquês de Paraná, para chefiar o primeiro gabinete conciliatório da história do Segundo Reinado enfrentando várias resistências, principalmente entre os referidos saquaremas. O sucesso do gabinete creditou-se à força, tato e prudência do Marquês e, principalmente, ao pensamento do Imperador. A partir daí a história política do Segundo Reinado tomou novas feições.
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Tese de doutoramento, Ciências Sociais (Sociologia Geral), Universidade de Lisboa, Instituto de Ciências Sociais, 2013
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Esta obra tem como tema central a abordagem da política nacional de conciliação implementada pelo Conselho Nacional de Justiça, bem como a sua adoção pelo TJRS. Em razão da mudança comportamental da sociedade nas últimas décadas, decorrente de vários fatores, entre eles: a evolução do Estado liberal para o Estado democrático de direito, a constitucionalização dos direitos fundamentais e o acesso à justiça, entre outros, ocorreu o aumento da demanda judicial, gerando problemas na prestação jurisdicional, como morosidade do sistema e difícil acesso ao Poder Judiciário. Assim, no auge da crise do Poder Judiciário, através da emenda constitucional nº 45, foi criado o Conselho Nacional de Justiça, com o objetivo de tornar a prestação jurisdicional, de forma moral, eficiente e efetiva. O Conselho Nacional de Justiça, como integrante do Poder Judiciário, visando, através de uma política pública nacional, a maximizar a prestação jurisdicional e oferecer uma justiça mais célere e justa, através da resolução número 125, determinou a implantação da política Nacional da Conciliação. Desse modo, o Poder Judiciário, utilizando os métodos alternativos de solução de conflitos, a conciliação e a mediação, espera oferecer uma jurisdição mais rápida, contribuir para a pacificação social e diminuir o número de ações judiciais, com a implementação da política Nacional da Conciliação. O Tribunal de Justiça gaúcho, visando a cumprir as determinações da Resolução n. 125 do Conselho Nacional de Justiça, instalou no Estado do Rio Grande do Sul quatro centrais de conciliação e mediação, entre elas a Central Judicial de Conciliação e Mediação da comarca de Pelotas. Os resultados apresentados por esse órgão demonstram que as conciliações, embora não apresentem um número expressivo, têm se revelado um mecanismo célere e eficaz, na busca da resolução de conflitos e pacificação social.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Este estudo aborda a questão da conciliação entre o trabalho e família, nomeadamente a questão da importância da existência de medidas de conciliação. A pesquisa decorreu em três contextos, numa empresa com medidas de conciliação efectivas, uma empresa sem medidas de conciliação e no setor público, através de questionários Os principais resultados mostram que a existência de medidas de conciliação e de uma cultura organizacional apoiante (para a qual contribui o apoio de colegas e chefias) aumentam a perceção de capacidade de conciliação\ e permitem diminuir o stress sentido pelos trabalhadores. Percebeu-se também que existe uma maior interferência do trabalho na família do que o contrário e que as mulheres continuam a ser quem sente mais dificuldades em relação à conciliação. / This study addresses the issue of balancing work and family, namely the issue of importance of conciliation measures. The research took place in three contexts, a company with actual measures of conciliation, a company without conciliation measures and the public sector, through questionnaires The main results show that the existence of reconciliation measures and a supportive organizational culture (which contributes to the support of colleagues and supervisors) increase the perception of ability to compromise and they reduce the stress felt by workers. We also noticed that there is a greater interference of work in the family than otherwise and that women continue to be who feels more difficulties regarding the conciliation.
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In this chapter, John Howard’s policy speech to The Sydney Institute, a conservative think tank, on October 11, 2007 as the Australian Prime Minister of the day, is analysed within the frame of discourse analysis to make visible how the speech works in old ways to dress up neoliberal policy as new and reformist. Taking centre stage, Howard pointed to concrete steps undertaken to achieve what he called a “new reconciliation.” This cynical manoeuvre, which put reconciliation back onto the election agenda (after it was earlier derided for its divisive and muddle headed symbolism), constituted a “neoliberal quickstep” (Reiger, 2006) or quickfix of sorts. The speech was also used as a place to reintroduce the Northern Territory Intervention, which at the time was purported to be a response to child abuse and Indigenous community dysfunction.
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This article examines the representation of Indigenous sexuality on Australian television drama since the 1970s, suggesting the political importance of such representations. In 1976 Justine Saunders became the first regular Indigenous character on an Australian television drama series, as the hairdresser Rhonda Jackson in Number 96. She was presented as sexually attractive, but this was expressed through a rape scene after a party. Twenty five years later, Deborah Mailman starred in The Secret Life of Us, as Kelly, who is also presented as sexually attractive. But her character can be seen in many romantic relationships. The article explores changing representations that moved us from Number 96 to The Secret Life of Us, via The Flying Doctors and Heartland. It suggests that in representations of intimate and loving relationships on screen it has only recently become possible to see hopeful models for interaction between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians.
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In this chapter I raise questions about the current scope and purpose of early childhood education for sustainability (ECEfS) and the ways ECEfS is enacted in practice. This is to highlight why social, political and economic areas of concern should be central in ECEfS alongside an environmental focus. Specifically, this chapter establishes the place of Reconciliation in ECEfS because it is one of the most pressing ethical, social, political and economic issues on the Australian landscape. To reposition an ethic of sustainability is to broaden the scope and purpose of sustainability work so that particular regard is given to the place of Reconciliation in ECEfS. An ethic of sustainability is also concerned with the responsibility of non-Indigenous educators to take ownership of Reconciliation work in education curricula and contexts.
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This paper provides an introductory discussion to a study focusing on industry Reconciliation Action Plans (RAP) and sustaining Indigenous employment in Queensland. Indigenous people continue to experience deep and persistent disadvantage in employment, which limits their life prospects (McLachlan, Gilgillan & Gordon, 2013). A major contributing factor to this detriment is irregular employment and or unemployment. A reasonable standard of living has been found to be determined by access to economic resources such as income and wealth. Denial of this access, denies access to income streams, social status, and engagement in meaningful activities. Hence, job loss and joblessness are triggers of disadvantage (McLachlan, et al., 2013). For young Indigenous people, lack of access has lasting effects particularly if they have multiple characteristics that place them at risk of disadvantage. The project aims to develop knowledge and understanding of Industry RAPs mediate employment opportunities for Indigenous people and how young Indigenous people conceive of their employment options and the processes by which employers can best support Indigenous people. It adopts two theoretical frameworks to investigate the aim of the study : (1) Lave and Wenger’s (1991) theory of communities of practice and, (2) Sen’s (1993) capability approach which provides a structure for examining individual well-being in the context of societal inequality. This paper discusses the first research question of the study: What are Industry Reconciliation Action Plans? What is included in RAPs? Why do Industries develop RAPs? How do RAPs attract, recruit, retain, and tenure Indigenous people? The project’s significance rests with its focus on Industry, employers, policies and practices that aid the attraction and retention of Indigenous people in employment.
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In various parts of the world, Indigenous and non-Indigenous peoples are actively working towards Reconciliation. In Australia, the context in which we each undertake our work as educationalists and researchers, the Reconciliation agenda has been pushed into schools and English teachers have been called on to share responsibility for facilitating the move towards a new national order. The recently introduced Australian Curriculum mandates that Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Histories and Cultures be embedded with “a strong” but “varying presence” into each learning area (Australian Curriculum, Assessment and Reporting Authority, 2013). In this paper we consider the tensions between policy and practice, when discourses external to education are recontextualised into the discipline of English. We do so by applying an analytical framework based on Bernstein’s (1990, 1996,2000) sociological theories about the structure of instructional and regulative discourses. Our findings suggest that the space to exert Reconciliatory agendas in the Australian Curriculum English is ambiguous and thus holds the potential to not only marginalise Indigenous knowledges but also to create tensions between policy and practice for non-Indigenous teachers of English.
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The uptake of sustainability initiatives in early childhood education curricula continues to gain momentum in Australia and internationally. Growing awareness about the fragility of natural environments in local and global contexts, along with prioritising sustainability in educational policy, has resulted in more broad-scale responses to sustainability in early years settings. To address issues of sustainability, many childcare centres and schools focus on environmental initiatives such as garden projects, recycling and water conservation. While important, such initiatives respond to just one dimension of sustainability. With expanding focus on sustainability initiatives in early childhood education, it is timely to consider why the environmental dimension receives the most attention and what this means for social, political and economic areas of concern.
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In this chapter we use Bernstein’s (2000) model of pedagogic rights to examine the learning experiences for non-Indigenous teachers in two reconciliation projects. In the context within which we write, reconciliation is the process of establishing a culture of mutual respect between Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander peoples and non-Indigenous Australians. In 1991, the Royal Commission into Aboriginal Deaths in Custody linked the continuation of racism in Australian society to the weak coverage of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander content in the school curriculum (Reconciliation Australia 2010). Nearly two decades later, the Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians issued by the council of Federal, State and Territory Ministers of Education proclaimed that curriculum should enable all students to ‘understand and acknowledge the value of Indigenous cultures and possess the knowledge, skills and understanding to contribute to, and benefit from reconciliation between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians’ (MCEETYA 2008, 9). Education holds out promise not only of better life chances for Indigenous young people, but also of replacing myths with understanding and tackling prejudice and racism within the non-Indigenous population. Bernstein’s (2000) model of pedagogic rights promises some purchase on this pedagogic work by providing concepts for looking systematically at the participation of non-Indigenous teachers in education. As observed by Frandji and Vitale (Chapter 2, this volume), the model is not sufficient to achieve a democratic reality, ‘but simply provides a basis for problematizing reality and considering possibilities’.
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IMAGINE a scientist who is a follower of Mahatma Gandhi. What kind of science can he practice? Would it be different from the kind of science that is being practised? I believe it would be and will illustrate this by constructing Mahatma Gandhi's view on science and scientific research based on his writings on related subjects. To me this implies that science is affected by the scientist's subjective values. I will then trace some of the values behind science as practised today and examine their implications for .he relationship between the scientist and the society. I will also present a case for abandoning the belief that science must be universal and show the relevance of Gandhian concepts to scientists.
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Work/family reconciliation is a crucial question for both personal well-being and on societal level for productivity and re-production throughout the Western world. This thesis examines work/family reconciliation on societal and organisational level in the Finnish context. The study is based on an initial framework, developing it further and analysing the results with help of it. The methodology of the study is plural, including varying epistemological emphasis and both quantitative and qualitative methods. Policy analysis from two different sectors is followed by a survey answered by 113 HR-managers, and then, based on quantitative analyses, interviews in four chosen case companies. The central findings of the thesis are that there indeed are written corporate level policies for reconciling work and family in companies operating in Finland, in spite of the strong state level involvement in creating a policy context in work/family reconciliation. Also, the existing policies vary in accessibility and use. The most frequently used work/family policies still are the statutory state level policies for family leave, taking place when a baby is born and during his or her first years. Still, there are new policies arising, such as a nurse for an employee’s child who has fallen ill, that are based on company activity only, which shows in both accessibility and use of the policy. Reasons for developing corporate level work/family policies vary among the so-called pro-active and re-active companies. In general, family law has a substantial effect for developing corporate level policies. Also headquarter gender equality strategies as well as employee demands are important. In regression analyses, it was found that corporate image and importance in recruitment are the foremost reasons for companies to develop policies, not for example the amount of female employees in the company. The reasons for policy development can be summarized into normative pressures, coercive pressures and mimetic pressures, in line with findings from institutional theory. This research, however, includes awareness of different stakeholder interests and recognizes that institutional theory needs to be complemented with notions of gender and family, which seem to play a part in perceived work/family conflict and need for further work/family policies both in managers’ personal lives and on the organisational level. A very central finding, demanding more attention, is the by HR managers perceived change in values towards work and commitment towards organisation at the youngest working generation, Generation Y. This combined with the need for key personnel has brought new challenges to companies especially in knowledge business and will presumably lead to further development of flexible practices in organisations. The accessibility to this flexibility seems to, however, be even more dependent on the specific knowledge and skills of the employee. How this generation will change the organisations remains to be seen in further research.