The influence of office location on commuting behaviour

To fully appreciate the environmental impact of an office building, the transport-related carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions resulting from its location should be considered in addition to the emissions that result from the operation of the building itself. Travel-related CO2 emissions are a function of three criteria, two of which are influenced by physical location and one of which is a function of business practice. The two spatial criteria are, first, the location of the office relative to the location of the workforce, the market, complementary business activities (and the agglomeration benefits this offers) and, second, the availability and cost of transport modes. The business criterion is the need for, and therefore frequency of, visits and this, in turn, depends on the requirement for a physically present workforce and face-to-face contact with clients. This paper examines the commuting-related CO2 emissions that result from city centre and out-of-town office locations. Using 2001 Census Special Workplace Statistics which record people’s residence, usual workplace and mode of transport between them, distance travelled and mode of travel were calculated for a sample of city centre and out-of-town office locations. The results reveal the extent of the difference between transport-related CO2 emitted by commuters to out-of-town and city centre locations. The implications that these findings have for monitoring the environmental performance of offices are discussed.

Do dissonants in transit oriented development adjust commuting travel behaviour?

Residential dissonance signifies a mismatch between an individual’s preferred and actual proximal land use patterns in residential neighbourhoods, whereas residential consonance signifies agreement between actual and preferred proximal land uses. Residential dissonance is a relatively unexplored theme in the literature, yet it acts as a barrier to the development of sustainable transport and land use policy. This research identifies mode choice behaviour of four groups living in transit oriented development (TOD) and non-TOD areas in Brisbane, Australia using panel data from 2675 commuters: TOD consonants, TOD dissonants, non-TOD consonants, and non-TOD dissonants. The research investigates a hypothetical understanding that dissonants adjust their travel attitudes and perceptions according to their surrounding land uses over time. The adjustment process was examined by comparing the commuting mode choice behaviour of dissonants between 2009 and 2011. Six binary logistic regression models were estimated, one for each of the three modes considered (e.g. public transport, active transport, and car) and one for each of the 2009 and 2011 waves. Results indicate that TOD dissonants and non-TOD consonants were less likely to use the public transport and active transport; and more likely to use the car compared with TOD consonants. Non-TOD dissonants use public transport and active transport equally to TOD consonants. The results suggest that commuting mode choice behaviour is largely determined by travel attitudes than built environment factors; however, the latter influence public transport and car use propensity. This research also supports the view that dissonants adjust their attitudes to surrounding land uses, but very slowly. Both place (e.g. TOD development) and people-based (e.g. motivational) policies are needed for an effective travel behavioural shift.

The call of the road : factors predicting students' car travelling intentions and behaviour

The most common daily trip for employed persons and students is the commute to and from work and/or place of study. Though there are clear environmental, health and safety benefits from using public transport instead of private vehicles for these trips, a high proportion of commuters still choose private vehicles to get to work or study. This study reports an investigation of psychological factors influencing students’ travel choices from the perspective of the Theory of Planned Behaviour (TPB). Students from 3 different university campuses (n= 186) completed a cross-sectional survey on their car commuting behaviour. Particular focus was given to whether car commuting habits could add to understanding of commuting behaviour over and above behavioural intentions. Results indicated that, as expected, behavioural intention to travel by car was the strongest TPB predictor of car commuting behaviour. Further, general car commuting habits explained additional variance over and above TPB constructs, though the contribution was modest. No relationship between habit and intentions was found. Overall results suggest that, although student car commuting behaviour is habitual in nature, it is predominantly guided by reasoned action. Implications of these findings are that in order to alter the use of private vehicles, the factors influencing commuters’ intentions to travel by car must be addressed. Specifically, interventions should target the perceived high levels of both the acceptability of commuting by car and the perceived control over the choice to commute by car.

Commuting mode choice in transit oriented development: Disentangling the effects of competitive neighbourhoods, travel attitudes, and self-selection

This research identifies the commuting mode choice behaviour of 3537 adults living in different types of transit oriented development (TOD) in Brisbane by disentangling the effects of their “evil twin” transit adjacent developments (TADs), and by also controlling for residential self-selection, travel attitudes and preferences, and socio-demographic effects. A TwoStep cluster analysis was conducted to identify the natural groupings of respondents’ living environment based on six built environment indicators. The analysis resulted in five types of neighbourhoods: urban TODs, activity centre TODs, potential TODs, TADs, and traditional suburbs. HABITAT survey data were used to derive the commute mode choice behaviour of people living in these neighbourhoods. In addition, statements reflecting both respondents’ travel attitudes and living preferences were also collected as part of the survey. Factor analyses were conducted based on these statements and these derived factors were then used to control for residential self-selection. Four binary logistic regression models were estimated, one for each of the travel modes used (e.g. public transport, active transport, less sustainable transport such as the car/taxi, and other), to differentiate between the commuting behaviour of people living in the five types of neighbourhoods. The findings verify that urban TODs enhance the use of public transport and reduce car usage. No significant difference was found in the commuting behaviour between respondents living in traditional suburbs and TADs. The results confirm the hypothesis that TADs are the “evil twin” of TODs. The data indicates that TADs and the mode choices of residents in these neighbourhoods is a missed transport policy opportunity. Further policy efforts are required for a successive transition of TADs into TODs in order to realise the full benefits of these. TOD policy should also be integrated with context specific TOD design principles.

Considering cycling for commuting : the role of mode familiarity : an exploration on the (circular) relation between cycling behaviours and attitudes toward cycling in Vitoria-Gasteiz, Spain

¿La gente utiliza la bicicleta porque les gusta? ¿O es el propio hecho de usarla la razón por la que les gusta hacerlo? ¿O es una combinación de las dos? Este tipo de preguntas reflejan un problema que se puede llamar ‘el círculo de la consideración de la bicicleta’: para poder considerar el uso de la bicicleta en el conjunto de posibles opciones a escoger, un individuo tiene que tener creencias positivas sobre ella, sobre todo en el caso de ‘contextos de bajo uso’. Pero parece poco probable que se formen creencias positivas cuando hay bajos niveles de familiaridad al modo, es decir, con un bajo conocimiento de sus características, su funcionamiento y del imaginario asociado; al mismo tiempo, la familiaridad irá alcanzando niveles más altos conforme aumente el tiempo y la intensidad con la que se utilice la bicicleta a lo largo de la vida de los individuos. El problema parece un circulo recursivo huevo-gallina, ya que es difícil que alguien considere el usar la bicicleta en lugares donde su uso es una práctica poco extendida. En estos lugares, y dentro del conglomerado actual de tecnologías, infraestructuras, reglas, prácticas de los usuarios y preferencias culturales que se han desarrollado alrededor del automóvil (el actual "sistema socio-técnico de la movilidad urbana", Urry 2004; Geels 2005, 2012) usar la bicicleta es considerado por la mayoría como algo difícil, inseguro, y anormal. Como consecuencia, los procesos de aumento de familiaridad con la bicicleta permanecen inactivos. La tesis asume la familiaridad como una fuente de información e influencia sobre las creencias positivas sobre la bicicleta. En ‘contextos de bajo uso’, sin familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta, estas creencias sólo pueden surgir de ciertos rasgos personales (afecto, valores, identidades, voluntad, etc.). Tal como han evidenciado investigaciones recientes, en estos contextos la posibilidad de considerar el uso de la bicicleta (y su eventual adopción), se circunscribe principalmente a los ‘entusiastas’, a los que están dispuestos a “ir contra corriente” (Horton & Parkin 2012), limitando el alcance de las políticas de promoción. La investigación llevada a cabo en esta tesis ofrece un nuevo enfoque al problema del ‘círculo de la consideración de la bicicleta’. Para ello, plantea un modelo en el que se introduce a la familiaridad como un constructo que media entre el comportamiento final –qué modo de transporte elige el individuo– y el conjunto de constructos psicosociales que preceden la elección modal (creencias y actitudes). La familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta se concibe como una medida de la intensidad relativa del uso de una bicicleta, real y percibida (basándose en Diana & Mokhtarian 2009) que puede formarse de manera distinta según sus fines (utilitarios o no utilitarios). El constructo familiaridad con el modo bicicleta está relacionado con la cantidad de tiempo, la intensidad y la regularidad con la que un individuo ha hecho uso de la bicicleta a lo largo de su vida. La familiaridad se concibe así como una condición que permite definir adecuadamente el contexto en el que se toman las decisiones modales de los individuos, en línea con investigaciones que postulan patrones de causalidad alternativos entre los procesos cognitivos de elección y los comportamientos modales (Tardif 1977; Dobson et al. 1978; Golob et al. 1979; Golob 2001; Schwanen et al. 2012; Diana et al. 2009; Vij & Walker 2014). De este modo se plantea que el esquema unidireccional actitudesconductas podría no ser completamente valido en el caso de la consideración de la bicicleta, explorando la hipótesis que sean las propias conductas a influenciar la formación de las actitudes. En esta tesis, el constructo de familiaridad se articula teórica y metodológicamente, y se emplea un instrumento de diseño transversal para contrastarlo. Los resultados de una encuesta telefónica a una muestra representativa de 736 personas en la ciudad española de Vitoria-Gasteiz proveen evidencias que sugieren –aunque de forma preliminar– que la familiaridad juega un papel de mediadora en la relación entre la utilización de la bicicleta y la formación de las creencias y actitudes hacia el su uso. La tesis emplea mediciones para cada individuo con respecto tanto a su consideración como a su familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta. Éstas mediciones se definen haciendo uso del análisis factorial exploratorio (AFE). Por un lado, el AFE arroja una estructura del constructo ‘consideración’ formada por cuatro factores, tres de ellos asociados con elementos positivos y uno con elementos negativos: (1) de cómo el uso de la bicicleta se considera verde e inteligente (G&S); (2) sobre su carácter agradable y adecuado (P&S); (3) sobre su eficacia como modo de transporte para ir al trabajo (E); y (4) sobre los principales inconvenientes de su uso, es decir, las dificultades implícitas (sudoración y estar expuestos a las inclemencias del tiempo) y la sensación de inseguridad que genera (sentirse en riesgo de accidentes y estresarse por el tráfico) (D&T). Por otro lado, la familiaridad al uso de la bicicleta se mide en dos distintas variables ordinales (según se base en el uso utilitario o no utilitario). Como resultado, se puede hablar de que cada individuo se encuentra en una de las siguientes cuatro etapas en orden creciente hacia una familiaridad completa al modo: no familiarizados; apenas familiarizados; moderadamente familiarizados; totalmente familiarizados. El análisis de los datos de los cuatro grupos de sujetos de la muestra, –definidos de acuerdo con cada una de las cuatro etapas de familiaridad definidas– ha evidenciado la existencia de diferencias intergrupo estadísticamente significativas, especialmente para la medida relacionada con el uso utilitario. Asimismo, las personas en los niveles inferiores de familiaridad tienen una consideración menor de los aspectos positivos de la bicicleta y por el contrario presentan preocupaciones mayores hacia las características negativas respecto a aquellas personas que están más familiarizados en el uso utilitario. El uso, aunque esporádico, de una bicicleta para fines utilitarios (ir de compras, hacer recados, etc.), a diferencia de no usarla en absoluto, aparece asociado a unas puntuaciones significativamente más altas en los tres factores positivos (G&S, E, P&S), mientras que parece estar asociado a puntuaciones significativamente más bajas en el factor relacionado con las características negativas (D&U). Aparecen resultados similares cuando se compara un uso moderado, con uno esporádico, sobre todo con respecto a la consideración de las características negativas. Los resultados de esta tesis están en línea con la literatura anterior que se ha basado en variables similares (por ejemplo, de Geus et al. 2008; Stinson & Bhat 2003, 2004; Hunt & Abraham 2006; y van Bekkum et al. 2011a, entre otros), pero en este estudio las diferencias se observan en un contexto de bajo uso y se derivan de un análisis de toda la población de personas que se desplazan a su lugar de trabajo o estudio, lo cual eleva la fiabilidad de los resultados. La posibilidad de que unos niveles más altos de uso de la bicicleta para fines utilitarios puedan llevar a niveles más positivos de su consideración abre el camino a implicaciones teóricas y de políticas que se discuten en la tesis. Con estos resultados se argumenta que el enfoque convencional basado en el cambio de actitudes puede no ser el único y prioritario para lograr cambios a la hora de fomentar el uso de la bicicleta. Los resultados apuntan al potencial de otros esquemas de causalidad, basados en patrones de influencia más descentrados y distribuidos, y que adopten una mirada más positiva hacia los hábitos de transporte, conceptualizándolos como “inteligencia encarnada y pre-reflexiva” (Schwanen et al. 2012). Tales esquemas conducen a un enfoque más práctico para la promoción del uso de la bicicleta, con estrategias que podrían basarse en acciones de ‘degustación’ de su uso o de mayor ‘exposición’ a su uso. Is the fact that people like cycling the reason for them to cycle? Or is the fact that they do cycle the reason for them to like cycling? Or is a combination of the two? This kind of questions reflect a problem that can be called ‘the cycle of cycling consideration’: in order to consider cycling in the set of possible options to be chosen, an individual needs to have positive beliefs about it, especially in the case of ‘low-cycling contexts’. However, positive beliefs seem unlikely to be formed with low levels of mode familiarity, say, with a low acquaintance with mode features, functioning and images; at the same time, higher levels of familiarity are likely to be reached if cycling is practised over relative threshold levels of intensities and extensively across individual life courses. The problem looks like a chicken-egg recursive cycle, since the latter condition is hardly met in places where cycling is little practised. In fact, inside the current conglomerate of technologies, infrastructures, regulations, user practices, cultural preferences that have grown around the automobile (the current “socio-technical system of urban mobility”, Urry 2004; Geels 2005, 2012) cycling is commonly considered as difficult, unsafe, and abnormal. Consequently, the processes of familiarity forming remain disabled, and, as a result, beliefs cannot rely on mode familiarity as a source of information and influence. Without cycling familiarity, origins of positive beliefs are supposed to rely only on personal traits (affect, values, identities, willingness, etc.), which, in low-cycling contexts, confine the possibility of cycling consideration (and eventual adoption) mainly to ‘cycling enthusiasts’ who are willing to “go against the grain” (Horton & Parkin 2012), as it results from previous research. New research conducted by author provides theoretical insights for a different approach of the cycling consideration problem in which the presence of the new construct of cycling familiarity is hypothesised in the relationship between mode choice behaviour and the set of psychosocial constructs that are supposed to precede it (beliefs and attitudes). Cycling familiarity is conceived as a measure of the real and the perceived relative intensity of use of a bicycle (building upon Diana & Mokhtarian 2009) which may be differently formed for utilitarian or non-utilitarian purposes. The construct is assumed to be related to the amount of time, the intensity and the regularity an individual spends in using a bicycle for the two distinct categories of purposes, gaining in this way a certain level of acquaintance with the mode. Familiarity with a mode of transport is conceived as an enabling condition to properly define the decision-making context in which individual travel mode choices are taken, in line with rather disperse research efforts postulating inverse relationships between mode behaviours and mode choices (Tardiff 1977; Dobson et al. 1978; Golob et al. 1979; Golob 2001; Schwanen et al. 2012; Diana et al. 2009; Vij & Walker 2014). The new construct is built theoretically and methodologically, and a cross-sectional design instrument is employed. Results from a telephone survey in a representative sample of 736 commuters in the Spanish city of Vitoria-Gasteiz, provide suggestive –although preliminary– evidence on the role of mode familiarity as a mediator in the relationship between cycling use and the formation of beliefs and attitudes toward cycling. Measures of both cycling consideration and cycling familiarity are defined making use of exploratory factor analysis. On the one hand, four distinct cycling consideration measures are created, based on attitude expressions on four underlying factors relating to the cycling commuting behaviour: on how cycling commuting is considered green and smart (G&S); on its pleasant and suited character (P&S); on its efficiency as a mode of transport for commuting (E); and on the main drawbacks of its use, namely the difficulties implied (sweating and being exposed to adverse weather conditions) and the sense of unsafety it generates (feeling at risk of accidents and getting stressed by traffic) (D&U). On the other hand, dimensions of cycling familiarity are measured on two distinct ordinal variables (whether based on the utilitarian or non-utilitarian use) comprising four stages to a complete mode familiarity: not familiar; barely familiar; moderately familiar; fully familiar. For each of the four stages of cycling familiarity defined, statistical significant differences are found, especially for the measure related to the utilitarian use. Consistently, people at the lower levels of cycling familiarity have a lower consideration of the positive aspects of cycling and conversely they exhibit higher concerns towards the negative characteristics than those individuals that are more familiar in utilitarian cycling. Using a bicycle occasionally for practical purposes, as opposed to not using it at all, seems associated to significant higher scores in the three positive factors (G&S, E, P&S) while it appears to be associated to significant lower scores in the factor relating with the negative characteristics of cycling commuting (D&U). A same pattern also occurs with a moderate use, as opposed to an occasional one, especially for the consideration of the negative characteristics. The results are in line with previous literature based on similar variables (e.g. de Geus et al. 2008; Stinson & Bhat 2003, 2004; Hunt & Abraham 2006; and van Bekkum et al. 2011a, among others), but in this study the differences are observed in a low-cycling context and derive from an analysis of the entire population of commuters, which rises the reliability of results.

How does commuting behavior change due to incentives? An empirical study of the Beijing Subway System

This study examines the impact of incentives on commuters' travel behavior based upon a questionnaire survey conducted with respect to the Beijing Subway System. Overall, we find that offering incentives to commuters, particularly fast food restaurant-related services and reduced ticket fares, has a positive influence on avoiding the morning rush hour. Furthermore, by using an interaction analysis, we discover that a flexible work schedule has an impact on commuters' behavior and the efficiency of the subway system. Finally, we recommend two possible policies to maximize the utility of the subway system and to reduce congestion at the peak of morning service: (1) a set of incentives that includes free wireless internet service with a coupon for breakfast and a discount on ticket fares before the morning peak, and; (2) the introduction of a flexible work schedule.

The long drive home: Control beliefs and commuting intentions of mine workers

Purpose: It is relatively common for many mine workers in Australia to drive an average of 250 kilometers to and from work following long shifts and shift blocks. Despite the long distances travelled following long shifts of 12- to 14-hours, there is evidence to suggest that these workers are not engaging in a break following their shift prior to driving home. This naturally raises issues of fatigue and sleepiness when driving. There is limited research in respect to commuting behaviours of mine workers and little is known about the factors that influence these workers to leave site immediately following their shift. Using the theory of planned behaviour, this paper examines individual control beliefs that encourage or prevent workers from leaving the site immediately following their shift block. Method: Data was collected using a cross-sectional survey. The survey instrument was developed following a series of in-depth interviews with workers from a Queensland coal mine (n=37). The quantitative written survey sample (n=461) was drawn from the same coal mine and consisted of workers from all levels of the organisation. Results: The results examine workers intentions to leave the work site and drive home immediately following a shift block. The results show differences in control beliefs between workers finishing night shifts compared with those finishing day shifts. Implications: An understanding of these control beliefs may potentially inform more targeted intervention strategies in the attempt to encourage a safer approach to driving home following shift blocks.