Stalinismin lyhyt kurssi : Suomalaiset Moskovan Lenin-koulussa 1926-1938

This study of the Finns at the International Lenin School (ILS) reflects history of the Soviet Union during Stalin's era, history of the Communist International (Comintern) as well as history of Finnish communism. The life span of the ILS (1926-1938) matches up with creating and establishing the power structures of Stalinism. Both the ILS and Finnish Communism in the USSR became casualties of the Great Terror (1937-1938). After the WW2, however, the Soviet education was appreciated inside the Communist Party of Finland (CPF). If Finland would have become People's Democracy, the former ILS students would have composed the inner circle of the new "democratic" government. The Finnish teachers of the ILS were leaders of the CPF that was headquartered in Moscow. At the ILS studied in total 141 Finnish communists. The purpose of the ILS was to educate the communist parties' leading stratum of functionaries. They were supposed to internalize current values, methods and discipline of the Bolsheviks. This study evaluates the effects of the total school experience on the Finns that often ended in another total institution in Finland: prison. The curricula of the ILS consisted of theory of Marxism-Leninism, party history, political economics and themes of campaigns of Stalinism. The ILS year included participation in Bolshevik party life and practical work. During summer excursions (praktikas) the students could acquaint themselves with building of socialism in the Soviet Republics. At the ILS, intention to ideological moulding was not hidden. The students were supposed to adopt the Stalinist identity of the professional revolutionaries of the era. The ILS was saturated with ideology and propaganda. This study analyzes especially uses of history as vehicle of ideological standardisation and as instrument of power. Stalin contributed personally to shortcomings of history writing of the communist party. Later he supervised writing of the inclusive handbook of communism, "History of the All-Union Communist Party. Short Course". Special attention will be paid to the effects of Stalin's intervention at the ILS and inside the CPF. The life of the Finns at the ILS and outside the school is described at grass roots. The dividing line between personal and political is analyzed by charting emotional, intimate and bodily experiences of the Finns of the ILS. The fates of the ILS Finns after the studying or teaching period in Moscow are explored in detail. The protagonist among the teachers is Yrjö Sirola that was called "father of the CPF cadres". The Finnish ILS teachers and the formed students that had remained in the USSR were most severely hit by the Great Terror. The Soviet education had most importance in Finland of post WW2 period. The training at the ILS, however, did not contribute to revolution in Finland. The main heading of the study, "A Short Course of Stalinism", crystallises interpretation of the ILS as seat of learning of ideological unity of Stalinism. On the other hand, the title includes a statement of incompleteness of the Stalinist education if the schooling at the ILS had remained in one year.

Ver, lembrar e narrar: a conformação das memórias sobre a ditadura militar na recepção assistida do audiovisual

Subjective and socially constructed instance, the memory is not a natural phenomenon, but an area of contention between various social organizations for control and legitimation of a past. With the development of writing and the advent of new technical devices, it creates new ways to store and transport information. The memory is no longer restricted to the limits of the here and now of the subject and undergoes transformations. In this scenario, the media start to play an important role in publicizing and construction of embodiments of memory. This study aims to analyze the conformation of the memory of political groups during the process of receiving audiovisual fiction. For this purpose, a corpus of four chapters of the soap opera Love and Revolution was used as a cognitive device for remembering. The television series, broadcast by SBT between April 2011 and January 2012, went back to the beginning and development of the military dictatorship in Brazil, in the cities of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo. Three militants of various affiliations Communists who acted against the regime in Rio Grande do Norte and neighboring states, were participants in this study. Using the method of oral history, the research was divided into two stages: in-depth interviews, which dealt with the history of life of employees with the militancy in the Communist parties and other social movements, and the assistance of a drive dramatic soap opera Love and Revolution. Comparing these two phases of the study, we analyze the flow of mediations that crossed memories of militancy and media framework; shifts the narrative of remembrance during reception, and the opposition between memory and represented the experiences of the receivers

A crise orgânica do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) e o declínio do socialismo real

Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FFC

A personagem feminina em “Linha do Parque”, de Dalcídio Jurunadir

O escritor paraense Dalcídio Jurandir (1909 – 1979) além de publicar os dez romances que compõem o chamado Ciclo do Extremo Norte, contribuiu para diversos periódicos de Belém e do Rio de Janeiro e escreveu o livro Linha do Parque (1959) sob encomenda do Partido Comunista Brasileiro (PCB) do qual era membro. Esse romance, escrito aos moldes do Realismo Socialista – estética oficial da União Soviética (URSS) naquele período, que se estendeu também a vários outros países, por meio de seus partidos comunistas – narra as lutas dos operários na cidade de Rio Grande, no Rio Grande do Sul, no decorrer da primeira metade do século XX. Nessa obra, é perceptível o destaque dado ao trabalho das mulheres nas fábricas e nas reuniões da União Operária, as quais participam ativamente, em igualdade com os homens, do movimento operário retratado no livro. Este trabalho, portanto, objetiva analisar a importância das personagens femininas para o desenvolvimento de tal narrativa, dando destaque àquelas que tiveram grande participação nas lutas dos operários descritas no romance, refletindo também sobre as manifestações ideológicas que estão presentes na obra.

O impacto da crise do socialismo no partido comunista do Brasil, 1988-1992

O artigo analisa o impacto das transformações no Leste Europeu sobre o Partido Comunista do Brasil (PC do B), entre o 7a Congresso Partidario (maio de 1988) e o 8° Congresso (fevereiro de 1992). Esse impacto levou a mudanças no partido, as quais podem ser assim resumidas: crítica moderada a Stalin, mais importante por ser a primeira na história do PC do B (manteve-se, entretanto, a concepção de partido marxista-leninista de vanguarda); abandono da teoria das duas etapas da revolução brasileira; realinhamento político no plano internacional, em apoio a partidos comunistas dentro e fora do poder; pêndulo à esquerda na política interna brasileira.

O militante em cena: Gianfrancesco Guarnieri e Eles não usam black tie

Pós-graduação em Artes - IA

El Machete e A Classe Operária: a imprensa comunista mexicana e brasileira (1920-1940)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

The New Electoral Geography of Central Europe

Zarycki studied the political map of Central Europe today on the basis of results of recent parliamentary and/or presidential elections in the Czech Republic, Hungary, L8ithuania, Poland, Slovakia and Ukraine. He identified first the structure of regional political cleavages, then the spatial patterns emerging in different countries. He also considered the significance and eventual regional differentiation of various possible influences on these patterns, including urbanisation, historical heritage, ethnic factors, population movements, economic differentiation, the effects of the transformation, demographic factors, education and religion. Virtually all the countries showed a cleavage between more traditional, anti (or non-) communist regions and secular areas with higher post-communist support. Except in Ukraine and the Czech Republic, the post-communist party is dominated by the direct heirs of the former communist parties transformed into moderate left parties. The second major class of cleavages was typical of the Visegrad countries, i.e. the conflict between liberal, mostly metropolitan, regions and a different periphery, usually with a strong populist or anti-liberal appeal. This usually depends on the existence of a sizeable well-educated class, usually pro-market and pro-Western, and on the resolution of the conflict between post and anti-Communists. The third type of cleavage is based on ethnic factors and is clearest in Lithuania and Slovakia, where there are large ethnic minorities. Of factors influencing political behaviour, the two major ones identified were the historical heritage and urbanisation.