Parametric change in the grammatical encoding of indirect objects in Brazilian Portuguese

This paper examines the syntax of indirect objects (IO) in Brazilian Portuguese (BP). Adopting a comparative perspective we propose that BP differs from European Portuguese (EP) in the grammatical encoding of IO. In EP ditransitive contexts, IO is found in two configurations - one projected by a (low) applicative head and another one involving a lexical/true preposition. We propose that the former property is contingent upon the presence of dative Case marking: namely, the morpheme `a` that introduces IO (a-DP), whose corresponding clitic pronoun is `lhe/lhes`. In contrast, important changes in the pronominal system, coupled with the increase in the use of the preposition `para` are taken as evidence for the loss of the low applicative construction in BP. Thus only the configuration with the lexical/true preposition is found in (Standard) BP. We argue that the innovative properties of IO in BP are due to the loss of the (3rd person) dative clitic and the preposition `a` as dative Case markers. Under this view, we further account for the realization of IO as a DP/weak pronoun, found in dialects of the central region of Brazil, which points to a similarity with the English Double Object Construction. Finally we show that the connection between the morphological expression of the dative Case and the expression of parameters supports a view of syntactic change according to which parametric variation is determined in the lexicon, in terms of the formal features of functional heads.

A realização do sujeito em complementos infinitivos de verbos causativos e percetivos no português língua de herança

Dissertação de mestrado em Ciências da Linguagem

Cliticização pronominal nas cantigas religiosas galego-portuguesas

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Pronoun processing in Broca's aphasia: discourse-syntax effects in ambiguous anaphora resolution

Background: The interpretation of ambiguous subject pronouns in a null subject language, like Greek, requires that one possesses grammatical knowledge of the two subject pronominal forms, i.e., null and overt, and that discourse constraints regulating the distribution of the two pronouns in context are respected. Aims: We investigated whether the topic-shift feature encoded in overt subject pronouns would exert similar interpretive effects in a group of seven participants with Broca’s aphasia and a group of language-unimpaired adults during online processing of null and overt subject pronouns in referentially ambiguous contexts. Method & Procedures: An offline picture–sentence matching task was initially administered to investigate whether the participants with Broca’s aphasia had access to the gender and number features of clitic pronouns. An online self-paced listening picture-verification task was subsequently administered to examine how the aphasic individuals resolve pronoun ambiguities in contexts with either null or overt subject pronouns and how their performance compares to that of language-unimpaired adults. Outcomes & Results: Results demonstrate that the Broca group, along with controls, had intact access to the morphosyntactic features of clitic pronouns. However, the aphasic individuals showed decreased preference for non-salient antecedents in object position during the online resolution of ambiguous overt subject pronouns and preferred to pick the subject antecedent instead. Conclusions: Broca’s aphasic participants’ parsing decisions in the online task reflect their difficulty with establishing topic-shifted interpretations of the ambiguous overt subject pronouns. The presence of a local topic-shift effect in the immediate temporal vicinity of the overt pronoun suggests that sensitivity to the marked informational status of overt pronouns is preserved in the aphasic individuals, yet, it is blocked under conditions of global sentential processing.

A cross-linguistic comparison of address pronoun use in four European languages: Intralingual and interlingual dimensions

As part of a major ongoing project, we consider and compare contemporary patterns of address pronoun use in four major European languages- French, German, Italian and Swedish. We are specifically interested in two major aspects: intralingual behaviour, that is, within the same language community, and interlingual dimensions of address pronoun use. With respect to the former, we summarize our key findings to date. We then give consideration in a more preliminary fashion to issues and evidence relevant to the latter.

From possessive pronoun to emphatic determiner: 'so' in Mauritian Creole

This paper argues that at a particular stage in the genesis of Mauritian Creole (MC), the 3sg possessive pronoun 'so', inherited from the French 'son' was used as a definite determiner as well as a possessive pronoun. It was used when there was a need to single out a unique element in the discourse, or to introduce a new referent which was to become the focus of attention. 'So' was mostly used with genitive constructions, where a phonologically null determiner was equally grammatical. This paper argues that, in the early creole, genitive constructions licensed the determinative use of this pronoun. The use of 'so' with genitive constructions is no longer grammatical in modern MC, but this particle continues to be used as an emphatic determiner, where it now modifies both singular and plural NPs.

Análise sociolinguística da aprendizagem dos clíticos de 3º pessoa por crianças do 4º ano do ensino fundamental

Diversas pesquisas apontam um contínuo desuso dos clíticos de 3ª pessoa (lhe, o, a, os, as e suas variantes) na modalidade oral do Português Brasileiro (PB), sendo substituídos pelo pronome reto, pelo objeto nulo ou pela repetição do sintagma a que eles fazem referência. Por outro lado, os clíticos de 3ª pessoa aparecem comumente em textos escritos veiculados pela mídia, bem como nos estilos mais formais da língua falada, o que faz com que esses elementos constem dos programas da disciplina Língua Portuguesa, nas escolas brasileiras. Dessa feita, esta pesquisa tem por objetivo descrever esse processo de aprendizagem do ponto de vista linguístico e social, procurando investigar como as crianças interpretam o uso dessas formas – e, por conseguinte, da variedade padrão da língua –, e se e/ou como a escola favorece a aprendizagem dessas formas. Para respondermos a essas perguntas, procedemos a uma pesquisa sociolinguística, que analisa os fatores linguísticos e sociais que poderiam influenciar essa aprendizagem. Para tanto, os clíticos de 3ª pessoa foram trabalhados gradualmente durante um ano letivo. Assim, o corpus desta pesquisa compõe-se de textos escritos livremente e de testes de compreensão – que visava verificar a compreensão dos clíticos presentes em textos infantis – e de desempenho – que consistia na substituição de expressões pelos clíticos adequados. Os dados foram colhidos em uma turma de 4º ano do Ensino Fundamental durante 10 meses letivos, numa escola pública de Belo Horizonte, Minas Gerais, cujos alunos pertencem a diferentes níveis socioeconômicos. Os resultados obtidos revelam que: i) o contexto em que o clítico é inserido contribui significativamente para a sua compreensão; ii) com relação aos fatores extralinguísticos, os alunos, independentemente de sua origem social e sexo/gênero, apresentam dificuldades em compreender os clíticos; entretanto, há uma leve tendência de um melhor aproveitamento quanto aos meninos da classe socioeconômica favorecida

Pronoun-dropping or zero anaphora in translation from german into portuguese

In this article I will analyse anaphoric references in German texts and their transaltion into Portuguese. I will take as main corpus Heinrich Böll's novel Haus ohne Hüter and its translation into Portuguese by Jorge Rosa with the title Casa Indefesa. I will concentrate on the use of personal pronouns and possessives in references to both people and objects in source text and target text and I will present patterns of symmetries and asymmetries. I will claim that asymmetries in the translation of such anaphoric references can be accounted for mainly by differences in the pronominal systems and verbal systems of both languages and by differences in the way each language marks theme/topic continuity/discontinuity in discourse. Issues related to style and the translation of anaphors will also be addressed. I will finally raise some questions related to ambiguous references which can not be solved within the scope of syntax or semantics, thus requiring pragmatic interpretation based on cultural knowledge/world knowledge.

Dos cuestiones pendientes de la sintaxis de los pronombres átonos: enclisis como fenómeno asociado a las oraciones matrices y doble clítico en las construcciones perifrásticas = The Remainders of the Syntax of Clitics: Enclisis as a Root Phenomenon, and Clitic Doubling in Periphrastic Constructions

Conferència centrada en dos aspectes concrets de la sintaxi dels pronoms àtons: l' enclisis que es dona en algunes oracions subordinades de les variants iberromàniques modernes de l'oest peninsular i les configuracions de doble cíclic en les construccions perifràstiques

The acquisition of pronouns by French children: A parallel study of production and comprehension

This study examines syntactic and morphological aspects of the production and comprehension of pronouns by 99 typically developing French-speaking children aged 3 years, 5 months to 6 years, 5 months. A fine structural analysis of subject, object, and reflexive clitics suggests that whereas the object clitic chain crosses the subject chain, the reflexive clitic chain is nested within it. We argue that this structural difference introduces differences in processing complexity, chain crossing being more complex than nesting. In support of this analysis, both production and comprehension experiments show that children have more difficulty with object than with reflexive clitics (with more omissions in production and more erroneous judgments in sentences involving Principle B in comprehension). Concerning the morphological aspect, French subject and object pronouns agree in gender with their referent. We report serious difficulties with pronoun gender both in production and comprehension in children around the age of 4 (with nearly 30% errors in production and chance level judgments in comprehension), which tend to disappear by age 6. The distribution of errors further suggests that the masculine gender is processed as the default value. These findings provide further insights into the relationship between comprehension and production in the acquisition process.

[Ressenya del llibre] Fischer, Susann: The Catalan Clitic System: A Diachronic Perspective on its Syntax and Phonology, Berlín, Mouton de Gruyter, 2002

Comentari al llibre de Susann Fischer, 'The Catalan Clitic System: A Diachronic Perspective on its Syntax and Phonology', que segons les autores de la ressenya constitueix una bona introducció a un tema de gran interès per als estudis històrics: la posició dels pronoms àtons en català i en altres llengües romàniques

[Ressenya del llibre] Susann Fischer: The Catalan Clitic System. A Diachronic Perspective on its Syntax and Phonology (Mouton de Gruyter, Berlín,2002)

Comentari al llibre de Susann Fischer, 'The Catalan Clitic System: A Diachronic Perspective on its Syntax and Phonology', que segons les autores de la ressenya constitueix una bona introducció a un tema de gran interès per als estudis històrics: la posició dels pronoms àtons en català i en altres llengües romàniques