Societal cleavages and institutional change in Canada : retention, reform and removal of nominee councils

En concevant que toute société a deux clivages dominants, l’un social et l’autre partisan, cette thèse développe une théorie sur le changement institutionnel. L’hypothèse initiale, selon laquelle les groupes sociaux créés par le premier clivage agiront pour restreindre le changement institutionnel et que le changement aura lieu lors de l’émergence d’un groupe partisan capable de croiser le clivage social, fut testée par les processus traçant les changements qui furent proposés et qui ont eu lieu au sein des conseils nominés en Amérique du Nord britannique. Ces conseils furent modifiés un bon nombre de fois, devenant les chambres secondaires de législatures provinciales avant d’être éventuellement abolies. La preuve supporte l’hypothèse, bien qu’il ne soit pas suffisant d’avoir un groupe partisan qui puisse croiser le clivage qui mène le changement : un débat partisan sur le changement est nécessaire. Ceci remet aussi en cause la théorie prédominante selon laquelle les clivages sociaux mènent à la formation de partis politiques, suggérant qu’il est plus bénéfique d’utiliser ces deux clivages pour l’étude des institutions.

La transformación del sistema de partidos políticos en Turquía entre 2001 y 2014

El propósito de esta investigación es analizar los cambios que trajo consigo la llegada del Partido de la Justicia y Desarrollo al poder (AKP), en Turquía. Este partido se presentó como conservador moderado y democrático y esto le permitió llegar al poder y mantenerlo desde 2001 hasta la actualidad, pues recibió el apoyo de diversos grupos políticos. La noción general que dio el AKP a la opinión pública era que un partido conservador estaba iniciando un proceso democrático real en Turquía. Sin embargo, el líder del AKP y sus seguidores viraron, desde el 2007, hacia el islamismo. Usando la teoría del clivaje social, propuesta Stein Rokkan y Seymour Lipset, se intenta demostrar que los cambios realizados por el AKP fueron una estrategia para blindarse en el poder, pero el sistema de partidos mantuvo la lógica de los clivajes tradicionales y el clivaje islamismo-kemalismo se consolidó como el principal.

Party agency and the religious-secular cleavage in post-Communist countries: The case of Romania

Research focusing on several post-communist countries has found evidence of social cleavage effects on political behaviour similar to those found in Western Europe. In some post-communist countries, however, social cleavage effects appear far weaker (if at all). To understand why this is the case, I perform a case study of Romania, focusing on the religious–secular cleavage. Drawing upon research that emphasises the role of parties in forming cleavages, I argue that the reason for the absence of social cleavage effects is due to party competition for the same group of voters by parties from opposing ends of the ideological spectrum. By shifting their positions, some parties have prevented the appearance of cleavages by shaping individuals' perceptions of the parties and, in doing so, have even altered individuals' own left–right self-placements.

In Defiance of Duverger: The Class Cleavage and the Emergence of District-Level Multiparty Systems in Western Europe

At its core, Duverger’s Law—holding that the number of viable parties in first-past-the-post systems should not exceed two—applies primarily at the district level. While the number of parties nationally may exceed two, district-level party system fragmentation should not. Given that a growing body of research shows that district-level party system fragmentation can indeed exceed two in first-past-the-post systems, I explore whether the major alternative explanation for party system fragmentation—the social cleavage approach—can explain such violations of Duverger’s Law. Testing this argument in several West European elections prior to the adoption of proportional representation, I find evidence favouring a social cleavage explanation: with the expansion of the class cleavage, the average district-level party system eventually came to violate the two-party predictions associated with Duverger’s Law. This suggests that sufficient social cleavage diversity may produce multiparty systems in other first-past-the-post systems.

Not all social cleavages are the same: On the relationship between religious diversity and party system fragmentation

Most studies examining the relationship between social cleavages and party system fragmentation maintain that higher levels of social diversity lead to greater party system fragmentation. However, most aggregate-level studies focus on one type of social cleavage:ethnic diversity. In order to develop a better understanding of how different cleavages impact electoral competition, this paper considers another type of social cleavage: religious diversity.Contrary to previous literature, higher levels of religious diversity provide incentives for cross-religious cooperation, which in turn reduces party system fragmentation. Using a cross national data set of elections from 1946-2011, the results show that, in contrast to most studies examining the effects of social cleavage diversity on the number of parties, higher religious diversity is associated with lower levels of party system fragmentation.

Diversidade ética e exclusão social no processo da consolidação da unidade nacional : o caso dos vendedores e vendedoras informais do Mercado de Estrela Vermelha : cidade de Maputo

O presente trabalho, estuda as relações sociais e interculturais dos vendedores informais do mercado de Estrela Vermelha- cidade de Maputo. Analisa os fatores que afetam a unidade nacional, entendida como o sentido de pertença a uma identidade e a um destino comuns. Há duas teses que explicam a crise da unidade nacional. A primeira argumenta que o que coloca em causa a unidade nacional é a pretensão de se querer construir uma nação cívica, excluindo e até mesmo hostilizando as identidades étnicas vistas como fator de divisão e de conflitos. Propõe por isso, o reconhecimento e a inclusão dos diferentes grupos étnicos no poder (Magode, 1996; Cahen, 1996; Lundin, 1996). Na segunda, argumenta-se que as etnias perderam a sua relevância em virtude das transformações sociopolíticas e económicas havidas no país (Castiano, 2010), ou como outros defendem, que objetivamente elas não existem, se não apenas como reflexo dos conflitos pelo acesso aos recursos e poder (Serra, 1996). Sendo assim, o obstáculo da unidade nacional são as desigualdades económicas e não as diferenças étnicas. Mediante o trabalho de observação, que incluiu entrevistas, conversas, descrição e fotografias, como técnicas de recolha de dados, combinado com a pesquisa documental, este trabalho argumenta que, existe no mercado uma convivência multicultural, mas regista-se ainda défice nas relações interculturais. Os vendedores do Sul, consideram-se culturalmente superiores em relação aos seus colegas do norte do Save. Tal como outras pessoas da região sul, estes vendedores tratam os seus colegas pelo termo xingondo, que além da simples identificação, é usado para desqualificar os seus colegas do norte. Assim, o silêncio em relação ao etnocentrismo das pessoas do sul, a timidez que ainda se verifica em relação ao uso oficial das línguas moçambicanas, que são o meio de comunicação mais usado, bem como a incipiente provisão dos direitos da cidadania, constituem os principais obstáculos à unidade nacional. O estudo termina propondo a operacionalização do conceito da unidade nacional, tendo em conta, por um lado o respeito pelas diferenças culturais e a promoção do diálogo intercultural e por outro, o combate contra as diferenças abismais entre ricos e pobres.

Electoral institutions,cleavage structures,and the number of parties

Theory: A classic question in political science concems ",hat deteImines the number of parties that compete in a given polity. Broadly speaking, there are two approaches to answering this question, one that emphasizes the role of electorallaws in structuring coalitional incentives, another that emphasizes the importance of pre-existing social cleavages. In tbis paper, we view the number of parties as a product of the interaction between these two forces, following Powell (1982) and Ordeshook and Shvetsova (1994). Hypotheses: The effective number of parties in a polity should be a multiplicative rather than an additive function ofthe peImissiveness ofthe electoral system and the heterogeneity ofthe society. Methods: Multiple regression on cross-sectional aggregate electoral statistics. Unlike previous studies, we (1) do not confine attention to developed democracies; (2) explicitly control for the influence of presidential elections, taking account of whether they are concurrent or nonconcurrent, and ofthe effective number ofpresidential candidates; and (3) also control for the presence and operation of upper tiers in legislative elections. Results: The hypothesis is confiImed, both as regards the number of legislative and the number of presidential parties .

Konfliktlinien und die Einstellungen zur Europäischen Integration in Norwegen : eine quantitativ-empirische Analyse basierend auf dem European Social Survey 2004/2005

In den konsultativen Referenden von 1972 und 1994 stimmte eine knappe Mehrheit der norwegischen Wählerschaft gegen einen Beitritt in die europäische Staatengemeinschaft. Regierung und Parlament zogen daraufhin ihr Aufnahmegesuch zurück. Ein erneuter Antrag auf Mitgliedschaft in der EU wird seither vermieden, da sich die Parteien des Konfliktpotenzials bewusst sind. Von der politischen Agenda ist diese Streitfrage jedoch nicht verschwunden. Die vorliegende Magisterarbeit greift den gängigen Erklärungsansatz der politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung auf: Das Scheitern der Referenden ist demnach auf die Aktualisierung traditioneller politischer Konfliktlinien zurückzuführen. Inwieweit diese Cleavages die Einstellungen norwegischer Staatsbürger zur Europäischen Integration bestimmen, wird anhand eines komplexen Konfliktlinienmodells und mittels aktueller Daten untersucht. Aufbauend auf dem klassischen Cleavage-Konzept von Seymour Lipset und Stein Rokkan (Zentrum/Peripherie, Staat/Kirche, Stadt/Land, Kapital/Arbeit), findet eine Konkretisierung von Stefano Bartolini und Peter Mair Anwendung, die jede der vier Konfliktlinien als dreidimensional (empirisch, normativ und organisatorisch) begreift. In einem historischen Überblick zeigt sich die Relevanz der tradierten Konfliktlinien für Norwegen, die sich sowohl im nationalen Parteiensystem als auch in den Standpunkten der Parteien zu einem EU-Beitritt widerspiegeln. Datengrundlage für die folgenden empirischen Analysen (Kreuztabellen, Mittelwert- und Korrelationsvergleiche, multiple lineare Regressionen) stellt die norwegische Teilstudie der zweiten Welle des European Social Survey von 2004/2005 dar. Europäische Integration wird von den meisten norwegischen Staatsbürgern, die sich empirisch, normativ und organisatorisch auf den Konfliktlinienpolen Peripherie, Kirche, Land oder Arbeit verorten lassen, negativ bewertet. Im Gegensatz dazu geht die recht häufig vertretene Kombination der empirischen Konfliktlinienpole Zentrum-Staat-Stadt-Kapital mit einer überdurchschnittlich positiven Einstellung einher. Insgesamt erweist sich der Zusammenhang mit der Zentrum/Peripherie-Konfliktlinie als am höchsten.

How parties frame social citizenship and the inclusion of immigrants in Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom

Recent research on the transformation of West European party systems emphasises that cultural issues such as immigration have gained in importance besides the traditional socio-economic cleavage. While this literature shows that parties address not only cultural but also economic is-sues, it has paid less attention on whether parties combine cultural and economic issues. In this paper we focus on immigrants’ social rights by analysing if and how mainstream parties combine immigration and redistributive issues. Drawing on Faist (1995), we distinguish three different perspectives how political actors, here mainstream parties, might react to the welfare chauvinist claims that aim to restrict immigrants’ social rights. Our analysis relies on party manifestos in Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom between 1999 and 2011. The results of the anal-ysis indicate that variation is found among party families, in particular among the left. Even though the purpose of the paper is not to ‘prove’ that the populist challenge explains how the mainstream left-wing parties behave, the results allow nonetheless for interpreting mainstream parties’ strategic combination of welfare and immigration issues as a response to anti-immigration and anti-integration issues raised by populist challengers.

Social cleavages and electoral support in Turkey -- toward convergence?

Studies on Western democracies have shown that deep-seated social cleavages stabilize the electoral behavior and thus reduce electoral volatility. But how do social cleavages affect a party system that is undergoing democratic consolidation, such as in Turkey? In this study, investigations were carried out on long- and short-term relationships between social cleavages (religiosity, ethnicity, and sectarism) and electoral volatility in Turkey during the 1961-2002 period. Cross-sectional multiple regressions were applied to electoral and demographic data at the provincial level. The results showed that in the long-term, social cleavages on the whole have increased volatility rather than reduced it. The cleavage-volatility relationship, however, has changed over time. Repeated elections have mitigated the volatile effect of social cleavages on the voting behavior, as political parties have become more representative of the existent social cleavages.

The effect of gender context on children's social behaviour in a limited resources situation : an observational study

Knowing when to compete and when to cooperate to maximize opportunities for equal access to activities and materials in groups is critical to children's social and cognitive development. The present study examined the individual (gender, social competence) and contextual factors (gender context) that may determine why some children are more successful than others. One hundred and fifty-six children (M age=6.5 years) were divided into 39 groups of four and videotaped while engaged in a task that required them to cooperate in order to view cartoons. Children within all groups were unfamiliar to one another. Groups varied in gender composition (all girls, all boys, or mixed-sex) and social competence (high vs. low). Group composition by gender interaction effects were found. Girls were most successful at gaining viewing time in same-sex groups, and least successful in mixed-sex groups. Conversely, boys were least successful in same-sex groups and most successful in mixed-sex groups. Similar results were also found at the group level of analysis; however, the way in which the resources were distributed differed as a function of group type. Same-sex girl groups were inequitable but efficient whereas same-sex boy groups were more equitable than mixed groups but inefficient compared to same-sex girl groups. Social competence did not influence children's behavior. The findings from the present study highlight the effect of gender context on cooperation and competition and the relevance of adopting an unfamiliar peer paradigm when investigating children's social behavior.