989 resultados para Class relations
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"On the Sociology of Class Relations" (GS 12, S.75-104); 1. 1943 Aufsatz. a) Typoskript mit handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 34 Blatt b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 31 Blatt c) Typoskript, 31 Blatt und eigenhändigen Ergänzungen, 1 Blatt d) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen Korrekturen, 26 Blatt; 2. Franz Neumann: 1 eigenhändiger Brief mit Unterschrift an Max Horkheimer mit Anmerkungen zum Aufsatz, ohne Ort, 30.09.1943, 11 Blatt; "The Psychology of Nazidom" (GS 5, S. 354-359); 1. Buchbesprechung von "Is Germany Inucable?" von Richard M. Brickner; veröffentlicht in: "The New Leader", 14.08.1943. a)Typoskript, 7 Blatt b) Typoskript mit eigenhändigen und handschriftlichen Korrekturen, 7 Blatt c) Zeitungsdruck, 3 Exemplare; 2. "What Shall We Do With Germany? A Panel Discussion of 'Is Germany Incurable?'". Zeitungsausschnitte aus : "The Saturday Review of Literature", 29.05.1343, 6 Blatt;
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This article explores the idea of 'cultural mobility' both as a way of thinking about the polarizing logic of class relations and practices in contemporary society and as a means by which the debate over the cultural omnivore might be advanced. The concept of cultural mobility refers to the differential capacity to engage with or consume cultural goods and services across the entire spectrum of cultural life, an ability which is itself premised upon an unequal, class-related distribution in cultural competence. Cultural mobility, then, is the ability to move at will between cultural realms, a freedom to choose where one is positioned in the cultural landscape. I argue that the concept provides fertile ground for exploring possible interconnections between a number of divergent strands in current social theory which have largely developed independently of each other. At the same time much of this theoretical effort remains divorced from concrete research agendas. Using data collected as part of a major study of Australian cultural consumption, the article provides a case study of cultural mobility and its class moorings which serves to clarify some of the existing confusions concerning the cultural omnivore.
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Introducció: Teodorico (2004) ens diu que amb el joc cooperatiu els alumnes poden valorar, compartir i reflexionar sobre la relació que estableixen amb els altres companys. Per això, l’objectiu de la meva investigació és avaluar l’efecte que pot tenir l’aplicació d’una unitat de programació, centrada en el joc cooperatiu, en la relació que s’estableix entre els alumnes de 5è de primària, focalitzant l’atenció amb el líder i el menys acceptat del grup-classe. Mètodes: La intervenció s’avalua amb un disseny quasi-experimental pre-post amb grup control. I des del punt de vista dels dissenys observacionals podem parlar d’un disseny de seguiment, idiogràfic i multidimensional. El total de la mostra d’aquesta investigació era de 48 alumnes, dividit en el grup experimental (25) i en el grup control (23). La durada de la intervenció va ser de 8 setmanes i es va utilitzar un qüestionari ad hoc per la confecció dels sociograma i un instrument observacional ad hoc de les relacions de grup-classe. Resultats: El grup experimental estava format per 4 grups d’alumnes, al final de la unitat només se’n formaven 2, en canvi, el grup control, tan abans com després, estava format pels mateixos grups d’alumnes. Un dels menys acceptats del grup experimental ha millorat la relació amb alguns dels companys, en canvi els menys acceptat del grup control no ha millorat cap tipus de relació. Conclusions: Crec que els jocs cooperatius són una bona eina educativa per intentar millorar les relacions, ja que amb més temps crec que els resultats d’aquesta investigació haguessin sigut més positius.
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Il a été montré que l’Homme a un penchant latent à poser des gestes prohibés qui sont contrôlés par les normes formelles et informelles de sa communauté. Si nous sortons un individu de sa communauté sera-t-il plus enclin à poser ces gestes? C’est cette situation que le présent mémoire cherche à exposer. Nous visons à comprendre le processus menant à la consommation de services sexuels rémunérés dans un contexte touristique à l’étranger par l’étude du tourisme sexuel au Mexique. Nous cherchons à définir les facteurs qui motivent, ou du moins favorisent ce type de consommation dans un tel contexte. Pour rendre compte de ces facteurs, nous utilisons un corpus de données composé de commentaires publiés par des touristes sexuels sur un forum de clavardage, se trouvant sur la Toile, et de données existantes. Nous analysons ce corpus de données par une combinaison théorique de l’intersectionnalité et du contrôle social. Précisément, nous analysons les commentaires seuls afin de rendre compte des motivations des touristes à pratiquer le tourisme sexuel, puis nous analysons les données existantes en établissant des liens avec les commentaires publiés pour connaitre les facteurs qui permettent aux touristes cette pratique.
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Due to its transition from the socialist mode of production to the capitalist mode, workers in China have been exposed to the exploitative class relations that they hardly experienced before. The working class is now assuming a subordinate position in the relations of production while the capitalist class remains in the dominant position. As a consequence, workers’ protests are constantly emerging and class conflicts are exacerbating in the contemporary China. I have set out to study in this paper how the party-state in China contains labour unrest through the All China Federation of Trade Unions (the ACFTU), which I argue is a state apparatus that performs the ideological, political and economic functions in different situations. There has been an ongoing academic debate on if the ACFTU is defending workers’ interests. Some scholars have expressed optimism while some have taken a dim view. Drawing on Poulantzas’ theory of capitalist state, I hope to make contribution to this debate by demonstrating that the ACFTU is under some circumstances serving the short term interests of workers as individuals, but not the economic and political interests of workers as a class. Instead of organizing workers to overcome the effects of isolation or forming a class for itself, the ACFTU attempts to contain labour unrest and reproduce their subordination in the relations of production.
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The Honda workers’ strike in 2010 attracted world wide attention. It was one of thousands of labor disputes that happen every year in China, but it was the first major calling for the right of workers to represent themselves in collective bargaining. The question of representation is therefore the main topic of the book. The various contributors to this volume share the view that the Chinese party-state takes the protest against social inequality seriously. It has enacted many laws aimed at channeling dissatisfaction into safe channels. The implementation of these laws, however, lags behind and these laws do not include the right of freedom of association. Without this right, super-exploitation will persist and the system of labor relations will remain prone to eruptive forms of protest. The first part of the book provides an overview of the economic context of Chinese labor relations, the transformation of class-relations, the evolution of labor law, and government policies intended to set a wage floor. Based on extensive field research, the second part looks at the evolution of labor relations at the industry level. In the third part, the focus shifts to the Corporate Social Responsibility agenda in China. The final part looks at the connection between land reform and social inequality.
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The house work is a reality for girls of humble class and one of the most found forms of work among adolescent workers. Moreover, it is a mean of work which reproduces poverty and gender relations within the society. The purpose of this essay in to understand the house work in the life of adolescent workers, emphasizing the meaning produced by these teenagers concerning the job they perform. In order to achieve such goal, questionnaires were applied to 332 adolescents, under 18 years old from public schools (from EJA-supletivo) in Natal, with the purpose of mapping the registration of this activity among young students. Next, 14 adolescents were interviewed in order to recognize the meaning of this work and its repercussions over the teenagery, such as school education, socialization, relations with employers and adolescent s self-image. Later we have noticed most workers among the students from public schools are housemaids. Furthermore, this work is used as a form of social ascension and it contributes for the search for better opportunities in the state capital for adolescents who leave the countryside trying to agree to education and remuneration. This work plays an important role, which is to reproduce gender relations, as a woman works to maintain the private space as a female space and maintains the man out of this relation. Besides it reproduces class relations, ethny and generation conflicts, in which the employer replaces the control the parents have in the adolescent s life. Summing up, this study about house work have negative aspects, related to exploitation, humiliation and mistreat, as well as positive ones, for it permits the adolescent to improve his life conditions. The most important thing is to look for a mean of work in which human and workers rights are respected
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Examines the influence of class relations and political, ideological and structural shapes on international relations. Detente policy between the great world powers developed as a function of the basic interests of United States and Soviet Union. The analysis of underdeveloped countries' international policies is in accordance with processes of capitalistic accumulation and international labour division. -from English summary
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Aquí se analiza una de las estrategias de integración política del Partido Comunista Argentino hacia las obreras de la industria textil: la de la organización de las mujeres. Para analizar las relaciones de género dentro de la clase obrera se desarrolló una metodología específica que consiste en examinar las relaciones intra e intersexo-género/clase. Como resultado de esta investigación se advirtió que esta política implementada por el comunismo influyó en el aumento de la militancia femenina en la Unión Obrera Textil durante la década del treinta y la primera mitad de los cuarenta
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Aquí se analiza una de las estrategias de integración política del Partido Comunista Argentino hacia las obreras de la industria textil: la de la organización de las mujeres. Para analizar las relaciones de género dentro de la clase obrera se desarrolló una metodología específica que consiste en examinar las relaciones intra e intersexo-género/clase. Como resultado de esta investigación se advirtió que esta política implementada por el comunismo influyó en el aumento de la militancia femenina en la Unión Obrera Textil durante la década del treinta y la primera mitad de los cuarenta
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Aquí se analiza una de las estrategias de integración política del Partido Comunista Argentino hacia las obreras de la industria textil: la de la organización de las mujeres. Para analizar las relaciones de género dentro de la clase obrera se desarrolló una metodología específica que consiste en examinar las relaciones intra e intersexo-género/clase. Como resultado de esta investigación se advirtió que esta política implementada por el comunismo influyó en el aumento de la militancia femenina en la Unión Obrera Textil durante la década del treinta y la primera mitad de los cuarenta
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This work aims to analyze, in terms of class, the social composition of the constituency of the presidential candidates of the Workers Party in 2002, 2006 and 2010 elections. Such research object is constructed from a preliminary critical debate with recent Brazilian electoral studies, especially the literature on the infl uence of social programs on voting and Singer’s formulations about the lulismo phenomenon. Incorporating advances and pointing out gaps in such research efforts, is formulated a roadmap for empirical research constituted of three key elements - the measure ment of the dimensions of class structure in Brazilian capitalism; the observation of material interests related to the constituents locations of such structure; the development of measures of association between the insertion in class groupings and indivi dual voting behavior. Based on the neo - Marxist approach of class analysis, especially as formulated by Wright, it is made an adaptation of the typology formulated by such approach (mainly developed by Santos to the Brazilian case) to the data available fro m databases of censuses of 2000 and 2010. This theoretical construct reveals that during the period considered for the analysis, the structure of class - relations in Brazil became more proletarized and consequently had a decrease of the dimensions of the de stitute class locations. In addition, it was found, in relation to the objective class interests, widespread increments of economic welfare that allowed advances in relation to the material conditions of the proletariat, without, however, incurring losses to the privileged class positions. Such changes in the structural sphere focused in various ways on the political arena. Based on an adaptation to electoral analysis of the concept of "class formation", also formulated by Wright, associated with the use of techniques of ecological inference (especially those proposed by King and associates), it was possible to draw up an overview of class voting in period studied. As main results, three general patterns of individual voting behavior, related to each of the three analyzed class groupings were identified - a contraposition against PT candidates, by voters in privileged class locations; the adhesion, recurring throughout the study period, of workers to Lula and Dilma Rousseff; a favorable electoral shift unde rtaken by economically deprived voters in favor of those candidatures in the 2006 election.
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Includes bibliographical references.
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Universidade Estadual de Campinas . Faculdade de Educação Física
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In this text we proceed through a brief review of Naomi Lee`s (2009) article, highlighting her significant contributions to social and cultural psychology. In our dialogue with her text we inquire about some arguments and methodological procedures she presents. We raise some specific questions related to how the issue of beauty is framed, and we ponder on how a broadening of the scope to include history-of ideas, of relations-would bring some important elements to her approach. As Lee relates beauty and class, we examine the nuanced meanings of lack and deficiency in her analytical work. We also discuss her assumptions and position concerning discourse and dialogue which mark her ways of proceeding through the analysis of the interviews. We speculate that the depersonalized answer appointed in the interviewees` discourse can be related to a way of considering beauty as disembodied.