996 resultados para Civic action


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O presente Estudo de Caso trata da realização de um evento de cunho social dentro das instalações de uma unidade militar do Exército. O Evento é referente às comemorações ao dia da criança que tem ocorrência contumaz. Neste sentido discute-se uma problemática relacionada à legitimidade de realização deste tipo de atividade ante o dilema: Ações socioculturais x Segurança Nacional. Desdobra-se ainda, a discussão sobre a possibilidade de o particular realizar doações diretamente ao quartel bem como o devido processo que se deve promover quanto ao recolhimento dos recursos recebidos aos cofres públicos. O presente caso pode ser trabalho dentro do seguinte tema: Gestão Orçamentário-Financeira.

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Mexico is now one of the countries with better policies on transparency and access to public information, according to various indicators and academics. Just fifteen years ago, Mexico was a country that lacked legal instruments thereon, whereby the institutions were deeply opaque and citizens could not exercise this right of access to public information. The development of the right of access to public information, in both law and public policy, a milestone in the history of Mexico. It has been, therefore gestation, as its formulation and implementation. In Mexico there have existed diverse social movements that have promoted democratization and the defense of human rights. In the framework of these movements the fight registers for the right of access to the public information that one presents as a successful model of civic action and government intervention, without for it, not to know the challenges that his deepening has still and take root both in the company and in the political class in general. How was it achieved to construct a new institutional of transparency that was functional? How was it possible that the above mentioned change was achieved? These are questions that interests formulated to the political science and to the public administration for the analysis of the change and improvement of institutions. The study of the political change is relevant since the public policies precisely try to solve a problem, to transform a reality but not always the change is achieved, is not even realized of successful form. In a nascent democratic regime, it turns out important to know what factors can collaborate in the conformation of a public successful sustainable politics in the time. Even more, on having treated itself about a substantive politics that it gives content and viability itself to the democracy in a marked country historically and culturally for the opaqueness and the corruption...

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In this paper we argue that patterns of civil society in post-authoritarian democracies are the result of divergent pathways to democracy. Through a comparison of contemporary Portugal (social revolution) and Spain (reform), we show that revolutionary pathways to democracy have a positive impact on the self-organizing abilities of popular groups, thus also contributing to a higher quality of democracy. There are three mechanisms in social revolutionary processes that contribute to this. The first stems from the fact that the masses are the key actor in the revolutionary transformation process, with the power to shape (at least partially) the new rules and institutions of the emerging democratic regime. This results in greater legal recognition and institutional embeddedness between civil society organizations and the state, making it easier, in turn, for resources to be transferred to those organizations. Secondly, as a result of changes to the social and economic structure, revolutions engender more egalitarian societies. Likewise, citizens are given more resources and capacities for collective action. Finally, revolutions tend to crystalize a political culture between elites and the masses in which the principles of egalitarian participation and social change through the action of the people are accepted. This all leads to greater opportunities, resources and legitimacy for the civic action of the common people during the subsequent democratic regime.

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Over the last decade, the Colombian military has successfully rolled back insurgent groups, cleared and secured conflict zones, and enabled the extraction of oil and other key commodity exports. As a result, official policies of both the Uribe and Santos governments have promoted the armed forces to participate to an unprecedented extent in economic activities intended to consolidate the gains of the 2000s. These include formal involvement in the economy, streamlined in a consortium of military enterprises and social foundations that are intended to put the Colombian defense sector “on the map” nationally and internationally, and informal involvement expanded mainly through new civic action development projects intended to consolidate the security gains of the 2000s. However, failure to roll back paramilitary groups other than through the voluntary amnesty program of 2005 has facilitated the persistence of illicit collusion by military forces with reconstituted “neoparamilitary” drug trafficking groups. It is therefore crucially important to enhance oversight mechanisms and create substantial penalties for collusion with illegal armed groups. This is particularly important if Colombia intends to continue its new practice of exporting its security model to other countries in the region. The Santos government has initiated several promising reforms to enhance state capacity, institutional transparence, and accountability of public officials to the rule of law, which are crucial to locking in security gains and revitalizing democratic politics. Efforts to diminish opportunities for illicit association between the armed forces and criminal groups should complement that agenda, including the following: Champion breaking existing ties between the military and paramilitary successor groups through creative policies involving a mixture of punishments and rewards directed at the military; Investigation and extradition proceedings of drug traffickers, probe all possible ties, including as a matter of course the possibility of Colombian military collaboration. Doing so rigorously may have an important effect deterring military collusion with criminal groups. Establish and enforce zero-tolerance policies at all military ranks regarding collusion with criminal groups; Reward military units that are effective and also avoid corruption and criminal ties by providing them with enhanced resources and recognition; Rely on the military for civic action and development assistance as minimally as possible in order to build long-term civilian public sector capacity and to reduce opportunities for routine exposure of military forces to criminal groups circulating in local populations.

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Recent studies on the economic status of women in Miami-Dade County (MDC) reveal an alarming rate of economic insecurity and significant obstacles for women to achieve economic security. Consistent barriers to women's economic security affect not only the health and wellbeing of women and their families, but also economic prospects for the community. A key study reveals in Miami-Dade County, "Thirty-nine percent of single female-headed families with at least one child are living at or below the federal poverty level" and "over half of working women do not earn adequate income to cover their basic necessities" (Brion 2009, 1). Moreover, conventional measures of poverty do not adequately capture women's struggles to support themselves and their families, nor do they document the numbers of women seeking basic self-sufficiency. Even though there is lack of accurate data on women in the county, which is a critical problem, there is also a dearth of social science research on existing efforts to enhance women's economic security in Miami-Dade County. My research contributes to closing the information gap by examining the characteristics and strategies of women-led community development organizations (CDOs) in MDC, working to address women's economic insecurity. The research is informed by a framework developed by Marilyn Gittell, who pioneered an approach to study women-led CDOs in the United States. On the basis of research in nine U.S. cities, she concluded that women-led groups increased community participation and "by creating community networks and civic action, they represent a model for community development efforts" (Gittell, et al. 2000, 123). My study documents the strategies and networks of women-led CDOs in MDC that prioritize women's economic security. Their strategies are especially important during these times of economic recession and government reductions in funding towards social services. The focus of the research is women-led CDOs that work to improve social services access, economic opportunity, civic participation and capacity, and women's rights. Although many women-led CDOs prioritize building social infrastructures that promote change, inequalities in economic and political status for women without economic security remain a challenge (Young 2004). My research supports previous studies by Gittell, et al., finding that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have key characteristics of a model of community development efforts that use networking and collaboration to strengthen their broad, integrated approach. The resulting community partnerships, coupled with participation by constituents in the development process, build a foundation to influence policy decisions for social change. In addition, my findings show that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have a major focus on alleviating poverty and economic insecurity, particularly that of women. Finally, it was found that a majority of the five organizations network transnationally, using lessons learned to inform their work of expanding the agency of their constituents and placing the economic empowerment of women as central in the process of family and community development.

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El siguiente trabajo es el resultado una revisión sobre los Nuevos movimientos sociales y el uso de las nuevas tecnologías, vistos a la luz de la filosofía política. Esta reflexión parte de los resultados obtenidos en la tesis doctoral sobre “Nuevos movimientos sociales y uso de las TIC. Estudio de casos” presentada en la Universidad Complutense de Madrid en el doctorado de Comunicación, Cambio Social y Desarrollo. Si bien estos movimientos han existido desde hace mucho tiempo, las nuevas tecnologías digitales permiten la visualización, expansión y divulgación mayor de sus agendas y propuestas. El “saber hacer” de estos nuevos movimientos y su capacidad de transformación social, son expresión de un marco de estrategias diferentes a las propuestas por los grupos tradicionales enmarcados en los partidos políticos. Las metodologías de acción civil requieren de un flujo natural de la información, que los partidos políticos no pueden reproducir. Los recursos simbólicos y las expresiones de sentimientos y emociones, saltan a la palestra del juego social configurando un nuevo lenguaje, una manera distinta de ser. Más allá de la implicaciones mediáticas y políticas, hay un trasfondo en términos de cambio social profundo.

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El último periodo de expansión urbanizadora en España, iniciado en los años 1990, ha provocado intensas y extensas transformaciones sobre el territorio, con implicaciones económicas y ambientales, además de una creciente preocupación ciudadana hacia las dinámicas observadas. El artículo propone el análisis del comportamiento ciudadano ante los rápidos e intensos cambios territoriales que se observa sobre un ámbito supramunicipal concreto en Alicante. La unidad básica de análisis son los colectivos cívicos que responden a un perfil de defensa del territorio. La observación directa de estos colectivos ayudará a comprender los principales problemas del territorio y la política territorial, así como a establecer propuestas para el diálogo entre los gestores territoriales y los agentes ciudadanos.

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Recent studies on the economic status of women in Miami-Dade County (MDC) reveal an alarming rate of economic insecurity and significant obstacles for women to achieve economic security. Consistent barriers to women’s economic security affect not only the health and wellbeing of women and their families, but also economic prospects for the community. A key study reveals in Miami-Dade County, “Thirty-nine percent of single female-headed families with at least one child are living at or below the federal poverty level” and “over half of working women do not earn adequate income to cover their basic necessities” (Brion 2009, 1). Moreover, conventional measures of poverty do not adequately capture women’s struggles to support themselves and their families, nor do they document the numbers of women seeking basic self-sufficiency. Even though there is lack of accurate data on women in the county, which is a critical problem, there is also a dearth of social science research on existing efforts to enhance women’s economic security in Miami-Dade County. My research contributes to closing the information gap by examining the characteristics and strategies of women-led community development organizations (CDOs) in MDC, working to address women’s economic insecurity. The research is informed by a framework developed by Marilyn Gittell, who pioneered an approach to study women-led CDOs in the United States. On the basis of research in nine U.S. cities, she concluded that women-led groups increased community participation and “by creating community networks and civic action, they represent a model for community development efforts” (Gittell, et al. 2000, 123). My study documents the strategies and networks of women-led CDOs in MDC that prioritize women’s economic security. Their strategies are especially important during these times of economic recession and government reductions in funding towards social services. The focus of the research is women-led CDOs that work to improve social services access, economic opportunity, civic participation and capacity, and women’s rights. Although many women-led CDOs prioritize building social infrastructures that promote change, inequalities in economic and political status for women without economic security remain a challenge (Young 2004). My research supports previous studies by Gittell, et al., finding that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have key characteristics of a model of community development efforts that use networking and collaboration to strengthen their broad, integrated approach. The resulting community partnerships, coupled with participation by constituents in the development process, build a foundation to influence policy decisions for social change. In addition, my findings show that women-led CDOs in Miami-Dade County have a major focus on alleviating poverty and economic insecurity, particularly that of women. Finally, it was found that a majority of the five organizations network transnationally, using lessons learned to inform their work of expanding the agency of their constituents and placing the economic empowerment of women as central in the process of family and community development.

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OBJECTIVES To evaluate the rate of hospitalization for acute respiratory tract infection in children less than 24 months with haemodynamically significant congenital cardiac disease, and to describe associated risk factors, preventive measures, aetiology, and clinical course. MATERIALS AND METHODS We followed 760 subjects from October 2004 through April 2005 in an epidemiological, multicentric, observational, follow-up, prospective study involving 53 Spanish hospitals. RESULTS Of our cohort, 79 patients (10.4%, 95% CI: 8.2%-12.6%) required a total of 105 admissions to hospital related to respiratory infections. The incidence rate was 21.4 new admissions per 1000 patients-months. Significant associated risk factors for hospitalization included, with odds ratios and 95% confidence intervals shown in parentheses: 22q11 deletion (8.2, 2.5-26.3), weight below the 10th centile (5.2, 1.6-17.4), previous respiratory disease (4.5, 2.3-8.6), incomplete immunoprophylaxis against respiratory syncytial virus (2.2, 1.2-3.9), trisomy 21 (2.1, 1.1-4.2), cardiopulmonary bypass (2.0, 1.1-3.4), and siblings aged less than 11 years old (1.7, 1.1-2.9). Bronchiolitis (51.4%), upper respiratory tract infections (25.7%), and pneumonia (20%) were the main diagnoses. An infectious agent was found in 37 cases (35.2%): respiratory syncytial virus in 25, Streptococcus pneumoniae in 5, and Haemophilus influenzae in 4. The odds ratio for hospitalization due to infection by the respiratory syncytial virus increases by 3.05 (95% CI: 2.14 to 4.35) in patients with incomplete prophylaxis. The median length of hospitalization was 7 days. In 18 patients (17.1%), the clinical course of respiratory infection was complicated and 2 died. CONCLUSIONS Hospital admissions for respiratory infection in young children with haemodynamically significant congenital cardiac disease are mainly associated with non-cardiac conditions, which may be genetic, malnutrition, or respiratory, and to cardiopulmonary bypass. Respiratory syncytial virus was the most commonly identified infectious agent. Incomplete immunoprophylaxis against the virus increased the risk of hospitalization.

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Civil disobedience has hitherto enjoyed only a relatively marginal place in the repertoires of French social movements, but has recently emerged as a key rallying frame for social mobilization, especially among environmental and counter-globalization movements. This paper examines the theory and practice of civil disobedience in the French context through an analysis of one such movement, the anti-GM Faucheurs Volontaires. Discussing the highly controversial campaign's positioning as 'civic disobedience', the article examines contested discourses of violence surrounding crop destruction, and the state responses to action, before asking what the campaign's claims to Republican civism mean for traditional notions of the relationship between state and challenging groups in France. It argues that framing action as civil disobedience is central to attempts to construct political and popular legitimacy, in terms of the campaign's national, international, and sectoral goals.

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The aim of the research was to explore the integration, political and civic participation of "third country nationals residing in Hungary" (hereafter, immigrants or migrants). How immigrants and Hungarian society interpret political and civic activity was examined, along with how this is correlated to their material, cultural and social resources (using such concepts as identity and action potential, as well as the sense of fairness and dignity). The samples do represent Hungarian society and those people staying in Hungary with immigration or residence permits/ permanent residence (collectively labeled as immigrants). It should be stressed that the immigrants we studied are not refugee camp dwellers or foreigners employed illegally in Hungary. Though themselves faced with a lot of problems, the immigrants we interviewed are in a far more favorable position than refugees or aliens employed in the grey economy. This is an important fact to be remembered when reading about the research.

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Abstract Introduction: The practice of active citizenship, ethical-moral courses of action and civic, moral and ethics education are essentials for ethical decision making in health. Objetive: To determine if gender influences students’ ethical- moral course of action. Methods: Descriptive study with a non-probabilistic sample of 85 students enrolled in the 1st cycle of the health degree. Results: Of the participants surveyed 61.2% were found to say that action should take into account their moral principles, with ethical/ moral subjectivism prevailing; 44.7% consider that one should “Do what will have the best consequences for the greatest number of people”, with the principle of utilitarianism being significant; 55.3% think that “An action is ethically good” if “It is in accordance with morality”, thereby highlighting subjectivism/relativism; 45.9% believe that “ethical-moral values” “are relative and vary from society to society” agreeing with relativism as an explanatory principle for action. Males showed a greater tendency to support their decision-making with the principle of objectivism, (Fischer=.010). Conclusion: The results suggest that students’ ethical-moral education is required to promote an ethical-moral course of action in their professional practice. Thus, universities with their health courses should be at the forefront of this education, making their graduates ambassadors/interveners of a way of knowing and of being as well as promoters of the dignity of the citizen of the modern world.

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The raft hypothesis proposes that microdomains enriched in sphingolipids, cholesterol, and specific proteins are transiently formed to accomplish important cellular tasks. Equivocally, detergent-resistant membranes were initially assumed to be identical to membrane rafts, because of similarities between their compositions. In fact, the impact of detergents in membrane organization is still controversial. Here, we use phase contrast and fluorescence microscopy to observe giant unilamellar vesicles (GUVs) made of erythrocyte membrane lipids (erythro-GUVs) when exposed to the detergent Triton X-100 (TX-100). We clearly show that TX-100 has a restructuring action on biomembranes. Contact with TX-100 readily induces domain formation on the previously homogeneous membrane of erythro-GUVs at physiological and room temperatures. The shape and dynamics of the formed domains point to liquid-ordered/liquid-disordered (Lo/Ld) phase separation, typically found in raft-like ternary lipid mixtures. The Ld domains are then separated from the original vesicle and completely solubilized by TX-100. The insoluble vesicle left, in the Lo phase, represents around 2/3 of the original vesicle surface at room temperature and decreases to almost 1/2 at physiological temperature. This chain of events could be entirely reproduced with biomimetic GUVs of a simple ternary lipid mixture, 2:1:2 POPC/SM/chol (phosphatidylcholine/sphyngomyelin/cholesterol), showing that this behavior will arise because of fundamental physicochemical properties of simple lipid mixtures. This work provides direct visualization of TX-100-induced domain formation followed by selective (Ld phase) solubilization in a model system with a complex biological lipid composition.

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Rhinella schneideri, previously known as Bufo paracnemis, is a common toad in many regions of Brazil. Its venom exerts important cardiovascular effects on humans and other animals. Although this toad venom has been the subject of intense investigations, little is known about its neuromuscular activity. The neurotoxicity of a methanolic extract of R. schneideri venom was tested on mouse phrenic nerve-diaphragm (PND) preparations mounted for conventional twitch tension recording - in response to indirect stimulation - and for electrophysiological measurements. Venom extract (50 μg/mL) increased the muscle twitch tension in PND preparations but did not significantly alter the resting membrane potential values. Electrophysiological evaluations showed that the extract (50 μg/mL) significantly augmented the frequency of miniature end-plate potential (from 38 ± 3.5 to 88 ± 15 after 60 minutes; n = 5; p < 0.05) and quantal content (from 128 ± 13 to 272 ± 34 after five minutes; n = 5; p < 0.05). Pretreatment with ouabain (1 μg/mL) for five minutes prevented the increase in quantal content (117 ± 18 and 154 ± 33 after five and 60 minutes, respectively). These results indicate that the methanolic extract of R. schneideri venom acts primarily presynaptically to enhance neurotransmitter release in mouse phrenic-diaphragm preparations.

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Essential oils (EO) obtained from twenty medicinal and aromatic plants were evaluated for their antimicrobial activity against the oral pathogens Candida albicans, Fusobacterium nucleatum, Porphyromonas gingivalis, Streptococcus sanguis and Streptococcus mitis. The antimicrobial activity of the EO was evaluates by microdilution method determining Minimal Inhibitory Concentration. Chemical analysis of the oils compounds was performed by Gas chromatography-mass spectrometry (CG-MS). The most active EO were also investigated as to their actions on the biolfilm formation. The most of the essential oils (EO) presented moderate to strong antimicrobial activity against the oral pathogens (MIC--Minimal Inhibitory Concentrations values between 0.007 and 1.00 mg/mL). The essential oil from Coriandrum sativum inhibited all oral species with MIC values from 0.007 to 0.250 mg/mL, and MBC/MFC (Minimal Bactericidal/Fungicidal Concentrations) from 0.015 to 0.500 mg/mL. On the other hand the essential oil of C. articulatus inhibited 63.96% of S. sanguis biofilm formation. Through Scanning Eletronic Microscopy (SEM) images no changes were observed in cell morphology, despite a decrease in biofilm formation and changes on biofilm structure. Chemical analysis by Gas Chromatography-Mass Spectrometry (GC-MS) of the C. sativum essential oil revealed major compounds derivatives from alcohols and aldehydes, while Cyperus articulatus and Aloysia gratissima (EOs) presented mono and sesquiterpenes. In conclusion, the crude oil from C. articulatus exhibited the best results of antimicrobial activity e ability to control biofilm formation. The chemical analysis showed the presence of terpenes and monoterpenes such as a-pinene, a-bulnesene and copaene. The reduction of biofilms formation was confirmed from SEM images. The results of this research shows a great potential from the plants studied as new antimicrobial sources.