960 resultados para Church and state in the United States.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Includes Digest, v. 1 (1916)-v. 9B (1942).
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"Contract CPR 11-8002."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Contains only Graham's speech and letters concerning it, from John Adams, Thomas Jefferson, John Jay and others.
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We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.
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This chapter charts the political transitions in the anti-trafficking agenda and rhetoric of the U.S. Government across three Presidential administrations through a detailed examination of the annual Trafficking in Persons reports released by the Office to Monitor and Combat Trafficking in Persons between 2001 and 2012. We argue that the transitions in language and focus reflect key tensions that have dominated trafficking discourse throughout the Clinton, Bush and Obama Presidencies. These fissures include debate over law enforcement versus rights-based frameworks, competing approaches on victim protection and identification, and ongoing disputes about the relationship between prostitution and human trafficking.
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This paper examines the asymmetry of changes in CO<inf>2inf> emissions over business cycle recessions and expansions using yearly data from 1949 and monthly data from 1973 for the United States (US). In addition, decomposition analysis is applied to investigate the relative roles of various proximate contributing factors to observed changes in total and per capita CO<inf>2inf> emissions and emissions intensity, over business cycle phases. The results suggest, inter alia, that aggregate emissions and emissions intensity reduce much faster in contractions than they increase in expansions. In addition, unlike the three previous expansions, in the most recent post-GFC US expansion, emissions per capita have continued to decline, and at a rate very similar to the rate of reduction in preceding contractions. This suggests the real possibility that the most recent contraction may have had an ongoing impact on the path of per capita emissions well beyond the immediate impact experienced during the contraction itself.
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Includes bibliography
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Background. Lack of coverage, lack of access, and failure to utilize health care services have all been linked to dismal health outcomes in the US. Such consequences have been a longstanding challenge that US minorities are faced with, in the context of a health care system believed to be lacking efficiency and equity. National population surveys in the US suggest that the number of uninsured approaches 50 millions, while some concerns and suspicions are raised by opponents to the growing number of foreign born US residents, many of whom are Hispanic. Research shows that race is a significant predictor of lack of coverage, access, and utilization, while age, gender, education, and income are also linked to these outcomes. We investigated the potential effect of immigration status or duration in the US on the association between coverage, access, use, and race. Methods. Using National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data of 2006, we selected 22, 667 individuals of Non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and Non-Hispanic White descent, at least 18 years of age, US-born and foreign-born who reported their duration of residence in the US. Through complex sample survey logistic regression analysis, we computed odds ratios, beta coefficients, and 95% confidence intervals using models which excluded then included immigration status. Results. Although a significant predictor of the outcomes, immigration status did not change the relationship between each of the dependent variables (coverage, access, utilization), and the factor race, while adjusting for age, gender, education, and income. Our results show that Hispanics were least likely to have coverage (OR=.58; 95% CI[.49, .68]), access (OR=.62; 95% CI[.50, .76]), and to utilize services (OR=.60; 95% CI[.46, .79]) followed by Non-Hispanic Blacks, and Non-Hispanic Whites. These results were not changed by stratification, or the inclusion of interaction terms to eliminate the potential effect of relationships between independent variables. Recent immigrants (<5 years in US) were 0.12 times less likely to be insured, but also 0.26 times less likely to utilize services (p<0.001), and in addition they represented only 7.3% of the uninsured and 1.9% of the US population in 2006. Furthermore, 12% of the Non-Hispanic White population in the US was not covered, and 65% of the uninsured individuals were US-Born Citizens. Other predictors of lack of coverage, access and use were age below 45, male gender, education at high school or below, and income of less than $20,000. Conclusion. This investigation shows that the high percentage of uninsured was not directly caused by Hispanics, and immigration status alone could not explain racial differences in coverage, access, and utilization. An immigration reform may not be the solution to the healthcare crisis, and more specifically, will not stop the increase in the number of uninsured in the US, nor reduce the cost of health care. As a better alternative, universal health insu rance coverage should be considered, when aiming to eliminate racial disparities, and to solve the health care crisis. ^ Keywords. health insurance, coverage, access, utilization, race, immigration, disparities.^