Le Musée de l'Oratoire Saint-Joseph du Mont-Royal : un outil d'évangélisation

Dès les débuts du christianisme, l’Église s’est servie de l’art. Au Moyen âge, en particulier, la décoration des cathédrales (sculptures, fresques vitraux) avait une valeur esthétique, mais plus encore, une valeur didactique. Moyens matériels pour faire la catéchèse, voire évangéliser, les crèches du Musée de l’Oratoire Saint-Joseph du Mont-Royal s’inscrivent dans cette perspective. Tenant compte de cette mission d’évangélisation qui incombe à l’Église et de l’importance que prend de plus en plus le visuel dans la culture et la société actuelles, nous voulons partir de l’exposition des crèches de Noël à l’Oratoire Saint-Joseph, de l’année 2009, pour découvrir en quoi elle pourrait contribuer à l’évangélisation et à la croissance du christianisme et des chrétiens. En effet, les crèches de Noël sont essentiellement œuvre de foi, – non pas liée à la foi de l’auteur mais plutôt à l’effet que cette oeuvre peut avoir sur celui qui la regarde, – dont la dévotion à la sainte Famille. Ce moyen d’évangélisation dans ce monde en mutation où l’art visuel s’est avéré d’une extrême importance convient bien au contexte de la déchristianisation et peut offrir une complémentarité aux méthodes traditionnelles d’évangélisation basées surtout sur le discours. Ils sont complémentaires, dans le sens où il ne s’agit pas de « cheminer à travers villes et villages, prêchant et annonçant la Bonne Nouvelle du Royaume de Dieu » (Lc 8,1) aux personnes qui n’ont pas encore entendu parler du Christ, mais d’éveiller la curiosité chez les visiteurs non-chrétiens (Evangelii Nuntiandi 53), de stimuler l’intérêt à l’égard de la religion chez les non-pratiquants (EN 56) et, de soutenir et approfondir la foi des fidèles. Mots-clés : Christianisme – Église – transmission – évangélisation – éducation de la foi – musée – crèches – Oratoire Saint-Joseph.

Le pouvoir impérial romain et les cultes isiaques à Rome (IIIe-IVe siècles)

Les cultes isiaques se répandent autour du bassin méditerranéen entre le IVe s. av. et la fin du IVe s. apr. J.-C., arrivant à Rome au Ier siècle av. notre ère et y disparaissant conjointement aux cultes païens traditionnels avec ou peu après le coup porté par Théodose. Leur diffusion romaine s’étale donc sur une grande partie de l’histoire de l’Empire d’Occident, et ils vont ainsi se retrouver face à l’homme désormais considéré comme primus inter pares, grâce à l’accumulation de ses pouvoirs. L’empereur est pontifex maximus, c’est-à-dire maitre des cultes publics et du droit religieux, et il est ainsi l’agent du pouvoir qui a le potentiel religieux et législatif pour avoir un discours varié sur les autres traditions religieuses. Il semble donc inévitable que la sphère cultuelle isiaque rencontre et interagisse avec la sphère religieuse traditionnelle romaine, et que certains empereurs interfèrent, par renforcement ou au contraire par opposition, avec les cultes isiaques arrivés peu de temps avant l’avènement du pouvoir impérial. Cette thèse se propose non seulement d’étudier la dialectique entre institué romain (la force d’inertie) et instituant isiaque (la force de changements) dans la direction d’une potentielle altérité incluse (soit le dialogue évolutif du Nous par rapport à l’Autre), mais notamment par les liens publics romains et évolutifs entre l’empereur et les divinités isiaques. Nous effectuons cette recherche grâce à quatre types de sources antiques : la littérature pour le point de vue de l’élite littéraire gréco-romaine ; les inscriptions isiaques pour une définition surtout populaire de l’identité évolutive de l’instituant isiaque ; les monnaies et les oeuvres monumentales pour le point de vue public (et parfois plus personnel) impérial. Nous concentrons notre étude à partir de la dynastie sévérienne, qui laisse supposer que les cultes romano-orientaux profitent de la nouvelle configuration impériale avec des empereurs originaires d’Afrique et d’Orient, dans un phénomène d’« impérialisation » isiaque intensifié par un engagement tant impérial que populaire. En outre, nous nuancerons les conséquences sur la diffusion isiaque des troubles qui surviennent dans la deuxième moitié du IIIe siècle. Enfin, le IVe siècle, avec la christianisation de l’Empire et donc un christianisme devenant institué, ouvre sur une analyse des débats entre les défenseurs actifs du paganisme et les auteurs chrétiens, et de là, vers des interrogations sur l’intervention de la sphère isiaque dans ce face-à-face.

Le Verre de Charlemagne : rencontres méditerranéennes

« Pour respecter les droits d'auteur, la version électronique de ce mémoire a été dépouillée de certains documents visuels et audio-visuels. La version intégrale du mémoire a été déposée au Service de la gestion des documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal ».

Survival at the frontier of Holy War: political expansion, crusading, commerce and the medieval colonizing settlement at Biała Gora, North Poland

Between the eleventh and thirteenth centuries AD, the Lower Vistula valley represented a permeable and shifting frontier between Pomerelia (eastern Pomerania), which had been incorporated into the Polish Christian state by the end of the tenth century, and the territories of western Prussian tribes, who had resisted attempts at Christianization. Pomeranian colonization eventually began to falter in the latter decades of the twelfth and early thirteenth centuries, most likely as a result of Prussian incursions, which saw the abandonment of sites across the borderland. Subsequently, the Teutonic Order and its allies led a protracted holy war against the Prussian tribes, which resulted in the conquest of the region and its incorporation into a theocratic state by the end of the thirteenth century. This was accompanied by a second wave of colonization, which resulted in the settlement pattern that is still visible in the landscape of north-central Poland today. However, not all colonies were destroyed or abandoned in between the two phases of colonization. The recently excavated site of Biała Góra, situated on the western side of the Forest of Sztum overlooking the River Nogat, represents a unique example of a transitional settlement that included both Pomeranian and Teutonic Order phases. The aim of this paper is to situate the site within its broader landscape context which can be characterized as a militarized frontier, where, from the later twelfth century and throughout much of the thirteenth century, political and economic expansion was combined with the ideology of Christian holy war and missionary activity. This paper considers how the colonists provisioned and sustained themselves in comparison to other sites within the region, and how Biała Góra may be tentatively linked to a documented but otherwise lost outpost in this volatile borderland.

Importance of the contribution of Australians to the penetration of China by the China Inland Mission in the period 1888-1953, with particular reference to the work of Australian women missionaries

Australians, in the main, are unaware of the role which Australia played in the evangelization of China in the late nineteenth and the first half of the twentieth century. Most would never have heard of the China Inland Mission (CIM), the largest of the Protestant bodies which penetrated the Middle Kingdom, and few would know of the contribution that its Australian contingent, which consistently comprised about a tenth of the CIM's numbers, made towards the Christianization of that vast country. This thesis aims to raise the level of awareness in this area. Academic researchers have not totally neglected to examine the proselytization of China, and historians of the stature of Latourette have not let it escape their attention. However, most of the studies which have not merely fleetingly focused on the subject while viewing a larger canvas, have been North American, singling out the efforts of United States and Canadian bodies in introducing Christianity to the Chinese. Here, authors like Amerding, Bacon, Creighton, Gates, Hawkes, Ho, Ko, Mensendiek, Michell and Quale have left their mark. In the case of the present thesis, the outlook from which events played out in China are viewed is firmly based in Australia rather than North America. Earlier Australian research has been scarce, and is dominated by Loane and Dixon. Loane, evidently primarily working from Australasian Council minutes, mainly concentrates on the efforts of the CIM's Home Council, examining its endeavours decade by decade against a backdrop of contemporaneous events in China, and briefly referring to aspects of the lives of a cross-section of Australasian missionaries, without providing much idea about what they actually did in the field or what they achieved there. Because of its preoccupation with the Home Council, which never admitted women into its ranks, Loane's treatise is systemically biased towards men, though the more prominent of the women, like Mary Reed and Susie Garland, are given due recognition. The current thesis looks in detail at what Australians did in the field, the level of success they achieved, and at the particular contribution of Australian women towards the evangelization of China. Dixon took upon herself the formidable task of examining the endeavours of all missions in China which contained Australian missionaries. Because of the magnitude of her task, she could not focus to any great extent on particular missions, nor pursue in any detail the work of individual Australian missionaries. Like Loane, she was unable to explore what they actually did in the field or what they achieved there. Neither could she delve to any depth into the work of Australian women missionaries, though on the basis of the information she had accumulated, she drew the conclusion that Australian women had largely only brought about some unintended feminist consequences amongst Chinese women. This sweeping generalization failed to take into account the other very real social changes for Chinese women the Australian female missionaries quite purposely helped to bring about, and this thesis makes good that omission. This thesis studies aspects of the Australian missionary endeavour which both Loane and Dixon have neglected, thereby breaking new ground, and sets out to correct erroneous impressions which Dixon's dissertation has left on the historical record. One of these impressions concerned the longevity of the effect of the Australian effort in China. She had the View, writing in 1978, that the Chinese Church was moribund (a view shared by Varg and Lacy) , and that therefore the effects attributable to the endeavours of any nationality had proved fruitless, whereas the author is able to show, using modern-day sources, that the church has burgeoned in recent years thanks to earlier missionary endeavours and later neo-evangelistic efforts like Gospel radio, and now has a complement of perhaps 50 million adherents, making it second only to the United States in the size of its Protestant evangelical population. Another impression she left was that the Australian input into the evangelization of China can be largely dismissed because no totally Australian organization emerged, leaving the direction of Australia's effort in other hands. Contrary to that impression, the author shows that the Australian impact in China was significant and that Australians enjoyed more power than Dixon ever imagined. The author also shows that Australians were accepted as the equal of other nationalities in the CIM once they had acquired the necessary field expertise, a factor which doubtless also applied in respect of other missions with Australian components in China. Marchant has suggested that it is a fiction perpetuated by mission periodicals that Christianity spread and progressed in a determined manner in China. This thesis establishes that within the CIM's bailiwick, though there was some patchiness, Christianity progressed steadily and inexorably. One mission alone, the CIM, is concentrated upon, firstly in order to render the data manageable, secondly because it was the largest mission in China and had a sizeable Australian (including female) contingent, and thirdly because it exemplified many of the problems which would have been faced by missions in that country and their Australian components. The methodology employed is multifaceted. The written testimony of the missionaries themselves, contained in CIM periodicals, Field Bulletins, Monthly Notes, Annual Reports, autobiographies, personal files, diaries and letters is used to illustrate various aspects of the CIM's work in which Australians were engaged. This approach is augmented by other sources such as China and Australasian Home Council Minutes, missionary conference reports, Candidates' Books, biographies, and other selected material from archival holdings in Australia, Singapore, the United Kingdom, America and Canada. Statistics, especially ratio analyses and growth rate comparisons are used to demonstrate the relative success of different missions, missionaries and genders. Also employed are reminiscences of missionaries and descendants obtained by personal interview, and these are aggregated to provide some general conclusions. Data from these various sources have been synthesized to serve the central objective of demonstrating the importance of the contribution of Australians to the penetration of China by the CIM in the period 1888-1953 with particular reference to the work of Australian women missionaries.

As hagiografias como instrumentos de difusão do cristianismo católico nos meios rurais da Espanha visigótica

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

A demonização da alma indígena: jesuítas e caraíbas na Terra de Santa Cruz

Pós-graduação em História - FCHS

O reino Visigodo: catolicismo e permanências pagãs

What became accustomed to call “paganism” is undoubtedly one of the most significant forms of what is designated as “popular religiosity”. This expression, which seems useful when a generalization is required, shows all its weakness when a more precise and objective observation of a particular religion is attempted. Would the official visigothic kingdom’s “conversion” to Catholicism, with Recardo (586-601) at the Council of Toledo of 589 have effectively matched to the “conversion” of this kingdom’s population? Firstly, it is necessary to consider, in beyond the exalting intentions of the sources of that moment, that mass conversions do not imply a radical change in the convictions and religious practices of an entire people. Secondly, that “conversion” and “Christianization” are not synonymous. “Religiosity”, which includes the “conversion”, implies a fundamental religious attitude, which can simply be interior and personal. On the other hand, “religion”, in which “Christianization” is included, would correspond to a public aspect, institutionalized, which elaborates a set of techniques aiming, as in the case of “religiosity”, the guarantee of the supernatural Thus, elevated to the position of “official religion,” Catholic Christianity would live with a series of rites, rituals, devotions, from the previous “religiosity” that, through its ecclesiastical perspective, would be reprehensible, considered marginal and something that would lead to error. However, on the eve of the Muslim invasion in 711, not only among the laity but even in ecclesiastical segments, the manifestations of the “paganism” still were aim of coactive condemnation in the Catholic kingdom of Toledo’s councils.

Entre santos e demônios: a percepção do mal na teologia e hagiografias do Reino Visigodo de Toledo (séculos VI-VII)

Pós-graduação em História - FCLAS

La città di Trento tra Tardo Antico e Alto Medio Evo: la genesi della città medievale e lo spazio del sacro.

Lo scavo della chiesa di Santa MAria Maggiore ha permesso di acquisire nuove importanti informazioni sulla storia della città di Trento, sulla città tardo antica e sul processo di cristianizzazione. Il primo impianto ecclesiastico, datato a dopo la metà del V d. C. secolo, sorge su un precedente impianto termale realizzato intorno al II secolo d. C. ed appare caratterizzato da un forte carattere monumentale. La chiesa, a tre navate, presentava un presbiterio rialzato decorato in una prima fase da un opus sectile poi sostituito nel VI secolo da un mosaico policromo. Sono state rinvenute inoltre, parti consistenti della decorazione architettonica di fine VIII secolo pertinente questo stesso impianto che non subirà importanti modifiche fino alla realizzazione del successivo edificio di culto medievale, meno esteso e dai caratteri decisamente meno monumentali, caratterizzato dalla presenza di un esteso campo cimiteriale rinvenuto a nord della chiesa. A questo impianto ne succede un terzo, probabilmente a due navate, e dalla ricca decorazione pittorica demolito in età tardo rinascimentale per la realizzazione della chiesa attuale.

Amistades paganas y persecución de los cristianos : La epístola de Bruno de Querfurt al emperador Enrique II

La carta que presentamos traducida al español fue escrita en el año 1008 por el obispo misionero Bruno de Querfurt. El destinatario era el rey sajón Enrique II (1002-1024), emperador desde el año 1014. El contexto de la epístola está marcado por los vínculos cambiantes entre diversos actores políticos. La dinastía polaca piasta había cooperado con el Imperio desde mediados del siglo x. Por otra parte, los liutizos, una confederación de pueblos eslavos paganos, se habían levantado contra las estructuras eclesiásticas e imperiales en la región del Elba en 983, en el marco de un floreciente paganismo. Sin embargo, al iniciarse el nuevo milenio, el piasta Boleslao el Bravo se había convertido en una amenaza más atemorizadora para el Imperio, debido particularmente a la expansión territorial que encabezaba. Así, el rey Enrique II pactó en el año 1003 en Quedlinburg con los liutizos frente al piasta: se sellaba una alianza entre un rey cristiano y una confederación pagana para hacer frente a otro gobernante cristiano. Bruno de Querfurt, que había dedicado su vida a la misión y recibía apoyo de Boleslao, escribió esta misiva, con el objeto de señalar las contradicciones de la alianza citada arriba

Amistades paganas y persecución de los cristianos : La epístola de Bruno de Querfurt al emperador Enrique II

La carta que presentamos traducida al español fue escrita en el año 1008 por el obispo misionero Bruno de Querfurt. El destinatario era el rey sajón Enrique II (1002-1024), emperador desde el año 1014. El contexto de la epístola está marcado por los vínculos cambiantes entre diversos actores políticos. La dinastía polaca piasta había cooperado con el Imperio desde mediados del siglo x. Por otra parte, los liutizos, una confederación de pueblos eslavos paganos, se habían levantado contra las estructuras eclesiásticas e imperiales en la región del Elba en 983, en el marco de un floreciente paganismo. Sin embargo, al iniciarse el nuevo milenio, el piasta Boleslao el Bravo se había convertido en una amenaza más atemorizadora para el Imperio, debido particularmente a la expansión territorial que encabezaba. Así, el rey Enrique II pactó en el año 1003 en Quedlinburg con los liutizos frente al piasta: se sellaba una alianza entre un rey cristiano y una confederación pagana para hacer frente a otro gobernante cristiano. Bruno de Querfurt, que había dedicado su vida a la misión y recibía apoyo de Boleslao, escribió esta misiva, con el objeto de señalar las contradicciones de la alianza citada arriba

Amistades paganas y persecución de los cristianos : La epístola de Bruno de Querfurt al emperador Enrique II

La carta que presentamos traducida al español fue escrita en el año 1008 por el obispo misionero Bruno de Querfurt. El destinatario era el rey sajón Enrique II (1002-1024), emperador desde el año 1014. El contexto de la epístola está marcado por los vínculos cambiantes entre diversos actores políticos. La dinastía polaca piasta había cooperado con el Imperio desde mediados del siglo x. Por otra parte, los liutizos, una confederación de pueblos eslavos paganos, se habían levantado contra las estructuras eclesiásticas e imperiales en la región del Elba en 983, en el marco de un floreciente paganismo. Sin embargo, al iniciarse el nuevo milenio, el piasta Boleslao el Bravo se había convertido en una amenaza más atemorizadora para el Imperio, debido particularmente a la expansión territorial que encabezaba. Así, el rey Enrique II pactó en el año 1003 en Quedlinburg con los liutizos frente al piasta: se sellaba una alianza entre un rey cristiano y una confederación pagana para hacer frente a otro gobernante cristiano. Bruno de Querfurt, que había dedicado su vida a la misión y recibía apoyo de Boleslao, escribió esta misiva, con el objeto de señalar las contradicciones de la alianza citada arriba

Le dossier du Donatisme /

Includes indexes.

A GUERRA JUSTA NA CRISTIANIZAÇÃO DA AMÉRICA LATINA (1492-1566): ORIGEM DO CONCEITO, DESLOCAMENTOS E RESSIGNIFICAÇÕES

Em 1492, com o objetivo de adquirir riquezas e expansão territorial, os espanhóis chegaram à América Latina. Para tanto, rapidamente implantaram o seu sistema de governo, cultura e religião. Este processo só foi possível por meio da guerra. Para legitimá-la, foi necessário a reelaboração e a inversão de um antigo conceito de guerra e a sua consequente instauração nas terras recém ocupadas. O uso do conceito de Guerra Justa na América Latina, entre os anos1492 a 1566, fundamentava-se na história das conquistas romanas, filosofia de Aristóteles, teologia de Agostinho e Tomás de Aquino, nas leis jurídicas, Escrituras Sagradas e nas armas. Ao ser aplicado nas províncias indígenas, o conceito de Guerra Justa proporcionou efeitos trágicos pela sua violência. Ocorreram mortes de inocentes, invasão das terras, posse das riquezas, escravidão, destruição da cultura e da religião dos indígenas. Diante destes fatores, as divergências e debates tornaram-se inevitáveis. Juan Ginés de Sepúlveda, o autor do Democrates Alter, tratado que hospeda o conceito de Guerra Justa, teve como opositor tanto na Espanha quanto na América Latina, o frei dominicano Bartolomé de Las Casas que lutou a favor dos indígenas frente a injustiça da guerra deflagrada pelos conquistadores espanhóis e da cristianização por meio das armas. Entre esses dois controversistas encontra-se outro teólogo-jurista, catedrático da Universidade de Salamanca, Francisco de Vitoria. Vitoria elaborou o Derecho Natural y de Gentes, obra que concedeu a Sepúlveda e Las Casas argumentos para fundamentar suas doutrinas. A julgar pelos resultados duradouros da conquista, Sepúlveda atingiu seus objetivos. A cristandade foi implantada em substituição às religiões dos nativos e os interesses políticos e econômicos dos conquistadores, entrementes, foram concretizados. Las Casas, por sua vez, ao discordar desse método, propôs, em sua obra, Del único modo de atraer a todos los pueblos a la verdadera religión, uma cristianização pacífica que se conduzisse somente por meio da pregação do evangelho e da fé cristã. Para chegarem a essa posição, ambos os controversistas analisaram as fontes e tradições literárias aristotélica, agostiniana e tomista, em especial. O projeto missionário colonial vislumbrado por Sepúlveda e Las Casas, definiu as duas hermenêuticas eclesiásticas presentes na América Latina que se estenderam até o século XIX quando aportou-se na América uma nova proposta de missão através dos protestantes.