15 resultados para Chileans


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Double Degree in Economics from the NOVA - School of Business and Economics and Insper

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Identificar e analisar as demandas de tipo curricular articuladas no discurso do movimento social denominado como Revolução Pinguina, o que luta por uma educação de qualidade, gratuita e equitativa para os chilenos. Utilizo como referencial teórico, com registro pos-estrutural, a teoria do currículo desenvolvida por Alice Casimiro Lopes e Elizabeth Macedo a partir de uma abordagem discursiva e, a teoria do discurso desenvolvida por Ernesto Laclau em parceria com Chantal Mouffe. Entendo que essas demandas se inserem dentro dum conjunto mais amplo de demandas diferenciais que tem por antagonismo o projeto neoliberal do governo, representado pela concertación de partidos por la democracia. Dessa forma existem duas cadeias discursivas, por um lado o discurso dos estudantes, por outro, o discurso do governo, ambos tentam fixar determinados sentidos para o que representa qualidade da educação, desenvolvendo una guerra de representações. Defendo que por essa amplitude da cadeia discursiva a partir da incorporação de novas demandas representativas de diferentes atores sociais, também há um esvaziamento das bandeiras de luta, mas também uma maior força do movimento. Nesse sentido o significante qualidade da educação se transformou num significante vazio que se desprendeu de seus conteúdos concretos e precisos para poder representar provisoriamente a totalidade que a excede, ou seja, deixou de representar apenas um grupo especifico para representar a totalidade do movimento social. Assim, a luta política do movimento estudantil chileno pela educação de qualidade, tem colocado no centro do debate nacional diversas temáticas vinculadas com educação, mobilizando periodicamente á sociedade e conseguindo importantes transformações dentro da estrutura do sistema educativo nacional, significada pelo discurso estudantil como um sistema em crise.

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Young people are less explored in museum audience research; this is a paradoxical situation when considering its strategic location in the cultural reproduction and if considering the high performing cultural consumption compared with other sectors. The phenomenon of museums consumption by young Chileans who are self recognized as public and non-public museums is explored from a qualitative approach. It was conducted with focus groups in the three largest cities in Chile (Santiago, Valparaíso and Concepción). They identify the museum as a cultural institution in full force. However, in questioning museums activity youth reveal the specificity of their cultural matrix. This is referred to a social temporality based on the fragment, the discourse of familiarity, proximity and instead of breaking and critical. They claim a museum aesthetic / historical experience based on pleasure and enjoyment. An overview is proposed to further clarify the youth cultural consumption to characterize more precisely the place of the museum in the set, to design more effective policies museums.

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La présente étude constitue une analyse comparative de discours qui articulent la problématique de l’héritage coloniale et des réclamations autochtones au Chili et au Canada : des livres de texte de sciences sociales, des discours d’opinion et des discours autochtones. Nous proposons que les similitudes surprenantes qui ont été révélées par les contextes nationaux canadiens et chiliens peuvent être expliquées, en partie, par leur articulation avec le discours globalisé de la modernité/colonialité. D’une part, les textes scolaires et les discours d’opinion font circuler des éléments discursifs de la modernité, tout en reproduisant des formes de savoir et de dire coloniaux. D’autre part, les discours autochtones se ressemblent entre eux dans la mesure où ils interpolent la modernité/colonialité transformant ainsi les termes d’engagement interculturel. Bien que les états canadiens et chiliens renforcent leur engagement à l’égard de la réconciliation avec les Autochtones durant les dernières décennies, les conflits interculturels continuent à se produire en impliquant toujours les mêmes acteurs : l’état, différents peuples autochtones, des entreprises privées, ainsi que des membres de l’élite intellectuelle, politique et patronale. En prenant en compte cette situation, l’objectif de cette thèse vise à mieux comprendre pourquoi ces conflits, loin d’être résolus, continuent à se reproduire. Dans ces deux pays, la problématique des conflits interculturels est fondamentalement mise en rapport avec la question des droits territoriaux et, par conséquent, sont inséparables de la question de l’héritage coloniale des états nationaux canadien et chilien. Pourtant cette dimension coloniale des conflits a tendance à être cachée autant par la rhétorique multiculturelle du discours national que par les polarisations produites par l’opinion publique, lesquelles ont l’habitude d’encadrer la problématique par des notions binaires, telles que « civilisation/barbarie » ou « authenticité/illégitimité ». De plus, on peut considérer l’ouest du Canada et le sud du Chili comme étant des contextes comparables, puisque ceux-ci ont été colonisés avec la base du discours moderne du progrès et de la civilisation, qui a servi à légitimer l’expansion de l’état national au dix-neuvième siècle. Cependant, il n’existe que très peu d’études qui comparent les productions discursives relatives aux relations interculturelles entre Autochtones et non Autochtones dans les contextes canadiens et chiliens, possiblement à cause des différences linguistiques, sociohistoriques et politiques qui paraissent insurmontables.

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Esta monografía pretende evaluar los efectos de la tradición exportadora minera y el TLC entre China y Chile desde las perspectivas de violencia estructural y desarrollo como libertad de Amartya Sen y Johan Galtung, respectivamente. A través del análisis de algunos procesos históricos que han configurado las actuales dinámicas mineras y comerciales en Chile, y de las libertades reales que poseían los chilenos antes y después de la entrada en vigor del acuerdo, se logra comprender la manera en la que los fenómenos estudiados logran constreñir o impulsar el desarrollo de las capacidades de los chilenos para llevar a cabo las vidas que desean.

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This paper documents the experiences of perceived discrimination by Mapuches, the largest aboriginal group in Chile, focusing on their oral discourse about the phenomenon. As part of a national research project, 100 Mapuches were interviewed about their perception of discrimination toward them. These interviews were analyzed using the four-level method developed by Merino, which is mainly based on local semantic strategies and argumentative sequences and topoi. The analysis suggests that racism is experienced in everyday interethnic interactions by means of four modes: verbal, behavioral, institutional and macro-social. Verbal racism includes name-calling (e.g. 'indio' [Indian]) and stereotyping (e.g. 'primitive'), and prejudiced remarks. Behavioral racism includes looking, ignoring, avoiding, segregating and denial of identity. In the institutional mode, denial of opportunities and discrimination in various public offices, private institutions and services are frequent, with perpetrators acting on behalf of the institution for which they work. The macro-social mode includes cultural dominance of the economic and educational systems, and an ethnocentric perspective of history. The findings suggest the presence of a racist ideology underlying Mapuche's discursive reproduction of the way Chileans talk and think about them and behave toward them.

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This dissertation explored the relationship among poets, cities, and the construction of nation-ness. It was an interpretive reading of Chilean poetry and Chilean-ness as a way of inventing the nation from its very origins, starting with the colonial epic poem La Araucana and the founding of Santiago, its capital city. In this dissertation, poetry not only dealt with cities or "city poets" but also with the very conception, drafting, and systematic invention of cities as a "dream of order". The construct of a "community" of Chileans has maintained family ties with "Melancholy" in the collective imagination. This structure of melancholy reinforced the idea of "an order and a community" passed along by poets through generations. This dissertation also explored the moment when this melancholic family was fractured, divided, and Santiago was darkened by the events of September 11, 1973 and the rise of dictatorship, brutality, and censorship. ^ The methodology employed to examine different aspects of the construction of the city-nation included theoretical approaches such as Benedict Anderson's idea of nations as "imagined communities," Ángel Rama's analysis of Latin American urban rationality in his book The Lettered City , and the idea of the poet as an urban seer or visionary, the "flâneur" studied by Walter Benjamin in Charles Baudelaire's poetry. A central finding was that this "imagined community" have been severely transformed since 1950. In Chilean poetry, two works served as major referents: Pablo Neruda's Canto General, a totalizing idea of collective identity carved from the stones of the ruins of Machu Picchu, and Nicanor Parra's Poemas y Antipoemas (1954), which begun to illustrate the slow "decomposition" of the "The Lettered City." Among such conflicting images of (post-)modernity, poet Enrique Lihn became the central counter-figure who put an end to a long tradition of producing canonical nation-building cultural artifacts. His book El paseo Ahumada (1983) impacted the new generations of Chilean poets. The conclusion brought together the five-century history and diverse poetic experiences of the traditional Lettered City with the latest currents of marginalized urban poetry (1987-2003), the so-called "barbarians," flâneurs who were (re)inventing Chilean-ness in the globalized, and anti-Utopian city of "Sanhattan." ^

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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General note: Title and date provided by Bettye Lane.

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Currently the media have made many new tools on their websites in order to broaden the dialogue with its users, a feature that has been called interactivity. The objective of this research is to describe the interactive resources of Chilean media websites. The analysis was conducted at 20 sites using a pattern of six dimensions with interactive forms which are today using identified. The findings indicate that digital media Chileans are expanding the possibilities of dialogue with users on social media, especially Twitter and Facebook, and the mediauser interaction is monological, that is to say, from the media to the user, but with very low feedback.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the differences and similarities regarding verbal politeness in greetings and requests in Swedish and the Chilean variety of Spanish. A survey with 12 questions, both open-ended and closed-ended, has been distributed to 20 native speakers of the two languages. Thus, the questions have been analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The results show that the perception that the Swedes and the Chileans have about verbal politeness is similar, since the speakers of both languages see it as a way to show respect towards others. The study also shows that Swedes and Chileans share a similar view upon politeness, i.e. as a social norm that facilitates social interaction between people.

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The purpose of this study is to examine the differences and similarities regarding verbal politeness in greetings and requests in Swedish and the Chilean variety of Spanish. A survey with 12 questions, both open-ended and closed-ended, has been distributed to 20 native speakers of the two languages. Thus, the questions have been analyzed both quantitatively and qualitatively. The results show that the perception that the Swedes and the Chileans have about verbal politeness is similar, since the speakers of both languages see it as a way to show respect towards others. The study also shows that Swedes and Chileans share a similar view upon politeness, i.e. as a social norm that facilitates social interaction between people.

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This project investigates why people in Chile acquired so much consumer debt in contexts of material prosperity, and asks what the role of inequality and commodification is in this process. The case raises an important challenge to the literature. Insofar as existing accounts assume that the financialization of consumption occurs in contexts marked by wage stagnation and a general deterioration of the middle classes, they engender two contradictory explanations: while political economists argue that people use credit in order to smooth their consumption in the face of market volatility, economists maintain that concentration of wealth at the top pushes middle income consumers to emulate the expenditures of the rich and consume beyond their means. These explanations do not necessarily fit the reality of developing countries. Triangulating in-depth interviews with middle class families, multivariate statistical analysis and secondary literature, the project shows that consumers in Chile use credit to finance “ordinary” forms of consumption that do not aim either at coping with market instability or emulating and signaling status to others. Rather, Chileans use department store credit cards in order to acquire a standard package of “inconspicuous” goods that they feel entitled to have. From this point of view, the systematic indebtedness of consumers originates in a major concern with “rank”, “achievement” and "security" that – following De Botton -- I call “status anxiety”. Status anxiety does not stem from the desire to emulate rich consumers, but from the impossibility of complying with normative expectations about what a middle class family should be (and have) that outweigh wage improvements. The project thus investigates the way in which “status anxiety” is systematically reproduced by means of two broad mechanisms that prompt people to acquire consumer debt. The first mechanism generating debt stems from an increase of real wages and high levels of inequality. It is explained by a general sociological principle known as relative deprivation, which points to the fact that general satisfaction with one´s income, possessions or status, is assessed not in absolute terms such as total income, but in relation with reference groups. In this sense, I explore the mechanisms that operate as catalyzers of relative deprivation, by making explicit social inequalities and distorting the perception of others´ wealth. Despite upward mobility and economic improvement, Chileans share the perception of “falling behind,” which materializes in an “imaginary middle class” against which people compare their status, possessions and economic independence. Finally, I show that the commodification of education, health and pension funds does not directly prompt people to acquire consumer debt, but operate as “income draining” mechanisms that demand higher shares of middle class families’ “discretionary income.” In combination with “relative deprivation,” these “income draining” mechanisms leave families with few options to perform their desired class identities, other than learning how to bring resources from the future into the present with the help of department store credit cards.

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Natural disasters in Argentina and Chile played a significant role in the state-formation and nation-building process (1822-1939). This dissertation explores state and society responses to earthquakes by studying public and private relief efforts reconstruction plans, crime and disorder, religious interpretations of catastrophes, national and transnational cultures of disaster, science and technology, and popular politics. Although Argentina and Chile share a political border and geological boundary, the two countries provide contrasting examples of state formation. Most disaster relief and reconstruction efforts emanated from the centralized Chilean state in Santiago. In Argentina, provincial officials made the majority of decisions in a catastrophe’s aftermath. Patriotic citizens raised money and collected clothing for survivors that helped to weave divergent regions together into a nation. The shared experience of earthquakes in all regions of Chile created a national disaster culture. Similarly, common disaster experiences, reciprocal relief efforts, and aid commissions linked Chileans with Western Argentine societies and generated a transnational disaster culture. Political leaders viewed reconstruction as opportunities to implement their visions for the nation on the urban landscape. These rebuilding projects threatened existing social hierarchies and often failed to come to fruition. Rebuilding brought new technologies from Europe to the Southern Cone. New building materials and systems, however, had to be adapted to the South American economic and natural environment. In a catastrophe’s aftermath, newspapers projected images of disorder and the authorities feared lawlessness and social unrest. Judicial and criminal records, however, show that crime often decreased after a disaster. Finally, nineteenth-century earthquakes heightened antagonism and conflict between the Catholic Church and the state. Conservative clergy asserted that disasters were divine punishments for the state’s anti-clerical measures and later railed against scientific explanations of earthquakes.

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This research challenges the origin story of neoliberalism in Latin America. Drawing on archival data from the Mont Pèlerin Society and the personal archives of leading but neglected figures in the post-war push to rebuild economic liberalism, I present a historical geography of elite counter-protest that both predates and broadens the generally accepted “birth” of neoliberalism in 1970s Chile. Beginning in the 1940s, Latin American elites found common cause with key figures from economic liberalism’s most radical wing: the Austrian School. While existing literature links the onset of neoliberalism in Chile to the Austrian School, particularly with respect to the School’s influence on the early Mont Pèlerin Society, this dissertation is the first comprehensive inquiry to place the Austrian tradition in the ideational and organizational landscape of Latin America. Embracing a new mission that promised to save the soul of Western civilization, Latin America’s retro-neoliberal leaders collaborated with transnational actors to build a network of Austrian-inspired think-tanks and institutes of higher learning in the region. These organizations, in turn, served as recruiting mechanisms to found the Hispanic quarter of the Mont Pèlerin Society, which was dominated not (as might be assumed) by Chileans, but rather by retro-neoliberal elites from Mexico, Argentina, Guatemala, and Venezuela. By 1975, when scholars began analyzing how a run-of-the-mill economics department had been transformed into a bastion of free-market thinking in Chile, an entire neoliberal university was up and running in Guatemala, exposing all students, regardless of discipline, to the Austrian tradition – the crowning achievement of Latin America’s retro-neoliberal network. Investigating, and accounting for, the development and impact of this initiative sheds new light on the neoliberal landscape in Latin America, and raises important questions for the study of neoliberalism more broadly.