980 resultados para Child Labour Union


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The reaction of the first world to the persevering plight of a large part of the third world varies. In response to the sometimes glaring disparities, many international organizations and multinational corporations have recently adopted a pro-development rhetoric with relation to the problem of global poverty. However, the rhetoric rarely translates into action. As David Bacon discusses, leaders of corporations and organizations now tend to conclude their speeches by expressing a desire to reduce the suffering of the third world. However, when it comes to agreeing on specific concessions that could indeed improve the world-wide economic situation, first world countries are reluctant to act. A good example of this type of behavior is the current negotiation of the WTO, the “development round of Doha,” in which the United States along with the European Union pressure countries of the developing South to open up their markets, while at the same time refusing to remove or even decrease their own agricultural subsidies. The first world civil society observes the behavior of international organizations and western based multinational corporations as ineffectual. Taking the matter in its own hands, especially in the past couple of decades, this civil society has created a countless number of development-oriented nongovernmental organizations. These are supposed to compensate for the lack of action by international organizations. Development NGOs are believed to be more locally responsive as well as free of business or political considerations in choosing their strategies, and thus generally more efficient than IOs. However, if they really were how they are alleged to be, the problems of the third world would already be ameliorated by a significant amount, if not completely eradicated. Do development-NGOs indeed possess the characteristics that they claim to possess? What is their real affect on human rights? And how effective are they in their work?

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In high income countries, there is nearly universal popular support for boycotts against products using child labor or punitive sanctions against countries with high levels of child labor. This essay assumes that the reason for this popular support is a concern for the well- being of these child laborers. Consumer boycotts or sanctions should then be viewed by advocates as successful if they make children in low-income countries better off. This essay argues that much of the popular debate on boycotts and sanctions suffers from a failure to consider what children will do if they are not working. To answer this question, the responsible activist or policymaker must understand why children work. While some circumstances of child laborers are so insidious that policies even more aggressive than boycotts may be justified, most of the work performed by children in low income countries reflects the desperateness of their family's poverty. For these cases, if consumer boycotts diminish the earnings power of children, then the incidence of the boycott can be on the poorest of the poor. In this sense, a consumer boycott of products made with child labor can be equivalent to a consumer boycott of poverty relief for both child laborers and their families.

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This thesis entitled “Child labour in india”Children are "supremely important assets" of the nation, India proudly asserts in the National Policy for Children (1974) gracefully acknowledging that they are future citizens on whose shoulders the destiny of our nation rests.Childhood is a time of discovery as the world and all it contains are new to children. It is a time of excitement and anticipation. lt is a time of dreams and fantasies. And it is a time of receiving love and appreciation. Paradoxically, a picture of contrast is a common experience in India as a vast majority of children who are starved of basic needs of nutrition, health and education are made to work at an early age in exploitative conditions. The specter of child labour is a glaring anomaly in a country graciously adorning human right. In an exposition of the problem involving human rights abuse, Chapters from Two to Five of this study have shot into focus the human rights jurisprudence with special reference to the rights of children. Children have a particular identity as children and they also have a universal identity as human beings.The concern for mankind expressed unequivocally and transcending the globe will be real and moving and not mere rhetoric and ritual if and only when it begins with children, as, to quote the words of Nehru, the human being counts much more as a child than as a grown up.The first three of these rights namely right to health, right to nutritive food and right to education are dealt with in Chapter Four. Finally, the positive effects of education have been sketched in that chapter to impress upon its significance in the development of human capitals.legitimization. The theme of legitimacy was rationalised on the ground of poverty as a strategy for achieving eradication of child labour ultimately by enforcing minimum wages, shorter working hours, leave compensation, non-formal education etc., as the employer would soon discover that child labour is not cheap and would be obliged to substitute adult labour. However, humanising the work life is only a promise to the detriment of children as the Act of 1986 enacted as a part of the new strategy is nearingcompletion of a decade of existence but nowhere near the fulfilment of the mission.As similar urge is more necessary and overdue, it has been suggested that a special body be established with all powers for cognisance of human rights abuse of children.It is proposed to conclude this study with a brief summary of the inferences drawn from the foregoing chapters along with a few suggestions emerging out of those inferences

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The issue of child labour in the artisanal and small-scale mining (ASM) economy is attracting significant attention worldwide. This article critically examines this ‘problem’ in the context of sub-Saharan Africa, where a lack of formal sector employment opportunities and/or the need to provide financial support to their impoverished families has led tens of thousands of children to take up work in this industry. The article begins by engaging with the main debates on child labour in an attempt to explain why young boys and girls elect to pursue arduous work in ASM camps across the region. The remainder of the article uses the Ghana experience to further articulate the challenges associated with eradicating child labour at ASM camps, drawing upon recent fieldwork undertaken in Talensi-Nabdam District, Upper East Region. Overall, the issue of child labour in African ASM communities has been diagnosed far too superficially, and until donor agencies and host governments fully come to grips with the underlying causes of the poverty responsible for its existence, it will continue to burgeon.

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In this paper, we test whether economic growth decreases child labour by bringing together data from the National Sample Survey of India and state-level macro data to estimate a bivariate probit model of schooling and labour. Our results lead us to conclude that contrary to popular wisdom, growth actually increases rather than decreases child labour because it increases the demand for child workers. The level of state NDP, village wages and household incomes are seen as the conduits through which growth influences the supply side of the child labour market.

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The majority of children in Burkina Faso undertake work and, compared to other West African countries, it has the highest rate of children involved in hazardous work (Diallo 2008; NISD 2008), which is one working child out of two. Based on a qualitative survey, this chapter presents the perspectives of Burkinabe children working in two of the hazardous sectors: a quarry and an artisanal mine. The findings show that children acknowledge very difficult working conditions in these sites. However a variety of reasons maintain them in work, which they perceive as a solution and thus challenging action against child labour in Burkina Faso.

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In this paper we study the e ects of conditional cash transfers in school enrolment and tackling child labour. We develop a dynamic heterogeneous agent general equilibrium model, where households face a set of tradeo s while allocating their children's time in leisure activities, schooling and working. We calibrate the model using data from the Brazilian survey PNAD, before the policy was implemented, in order to quantify the e ects of a conditional transfer. We then evaluate the results of a policy experiment that implements a conditional cash transfer scheme similar to the Brazilian Bolsa Fam lia. Our results suggest that the program, in the long term, is able to substantially increase school registration and reduce child labour and poverty. In addition, we nd out that a progressive conditional cash transfer results is even more e ective in tackling child labour and increasing school enrolment.

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Neste trabalho, estudamos os impactos de transfer^encias condicionais de renda sobre o trabalho e a educa c~ao infantis. Para tanto, desenvolvemos modelo din^amico de equil brio geral com agentes heterog^eneos, onde as fam lias enfrentam tradeo s com rela c~ao a aloca c~ao de tempo das crian cas em atividades de lazer, em escolaridade e em trabalhar. O modelo e calibrado usando dados da Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra em Domic lios, de modo que podemos quanti car os efeitos de uma pol tica de transfer^encia de renda. Finalmente, avaliamos o impacto de um pol tica semelhante ao atual Bolsa Fam lia. Nossos resultados sugerem que o programa, no longo prazo, e capaz de induzir um aumento substancial na escolaridade, al em de ser efetivo na redu c~ao do trabalho infantil e da pobreza. Al em disso, mostramos que um programa progressivo de transfer^encia condicional de renda resulta em benef cios ainda maiores.

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Child labour has a gender bias related to the dominant stereotypes regarding gender roles. While out-of-home paid work is carried out predominantly by boys, girls bear the greater burden in unpaid domestic tasks, whether in their own homes or the homes of others. Boys are more exposed to the risks of being out on the street and find it more difficult to combine work and education. For girls it may be easier to reconcile the spheres of work and education, but they suffer costs that remain hidden and that reinforce their disadvantages throughout the life cycle. On the one hand, they are marked by the assumption that the burden of the care economy is entirely their responsibility, which determines future labour prospects. Indeed, even when girls show greater educational achievement, their occupational options are more limited. On the other hand, girls are exposed to risk within the household, where overexploitation, maltreatment and abuse are as frequent as they are unpunished.

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In recent years, ‘agency’ has appeared in academic writings as a new way of referring to active involvement from below in development interventions. The concept of ‘agency’ starts from the assumption that people are actually agents themselves, continuously acting in and reacting to circumstances. In child labour activism, this concept has been applied to working children in the understanding that, in order to improve their working conditions, children should be organised in organizations that are exclusively for and (ideally) run by working children. This paper aims to evaluate the extent to which child labourers can become agents of change through their own organizations. The paper will draw on two studies carried out by the IREWOC foundation. In 2002 a study was undertaken in Bolivia to give practical meaning to the concept of child agency. Secondly, in 2004/2005 an investigation was carried out on the functioning and impact of children’s organizations in Peru, Bolivia and Brazil. The applied research methods were mainly anthropological and used participant observation, (semi-) informal interviews and group interviewing with working children, their parents and adult representatives of the working children’s organizations. Both investigations show that in focussing on children as active participants, the structural constraints under which children have to live also need to be highlighted. One needs to understand how material poverty, mental deprivation and disempowerment help to shape resilience and defiance, but also anger, distrust and marginalisation.

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Kenyan women have more children, especially in rural areas, than in most developing nations. This is widely believed to be an impediment to Kenya’s economic development. Thus, factors influencing family size in the Kenyan context are important for its future. A brief review of economic theories of fertility leads to the conclusion that both economics and social/cultural factors must be considered simultaneously when examining factors that determine the number of children in a family. The need to do this is borne out in Kenya’s situation by utilising responses from a random sample of rural households in the Nyeri district of Kenya. Economic and social/cultural factors intertwine to influence family sizes in this district. After providing a summary of the main statistical results from the survey, we use multiple regression analysis to explore the influences of a woman’s age, level of education, whether she has outside employment, whether the family keeps livestock, whether she expresses a preference for more boys than girls, whether the family uses only family labour (including child labour) and the size of the farm, which is used as a proxy for family income. It was found that preference for male children has an important positive influence on family size in this district. Women were found to have greater preference for male children than their male counterparts possibly because of their fear of being disinherited if they do not produce an heir for their husbands. Preference for sons was also found in allocation of human capital resources at the household level in that the female respondents were found to have lower levels of education than their male counterparts. Various long-term policies are outlined that may help to reduce the number of offspring of women in Kenya.