977 resultados para Center-periphery
Resumo:
The Myanmar economy has not been deeply integrated into East Asia’s production and distribution networks, despite its location advantages and notably abundant, reasonably well-educated, cheap labor force. Underdeveloped infrastructure, logistics in particular, and an unfavorable business and investment environment hinder it from participating in such networks in East Asia. Service link costs, for connecting production sites in Myanmar and other remote fragmented production blocks or markets, have not fallen sufficiently low to enable firms, including multi-national corporations to reduce total costs, and so the Myanmar economy has failed to attract foreign direct investments. Border industry offers a solution. The Myanmar economy can be connected to the regional and global economy through its borders with neighboring countries, Thailand in particular, which already have logistic hubs such as deep-sea ports, airports and trunk roads. This paper examines the source of competitiveness of border industry by considering an example of the garment industry located in the Myanmar-Thai border area. Based on such analysis, we recognize the prospects of border industry and propose some policy measures to promote this on Myanmar soil.
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Genetic models of sex and caste determination in eusocial stingless bees suggest specific patterns of male, worker and gyne cell distribution in the brood comb. Conflict between queen and laying workers over male parentage and center-periphery gradients of conditions, such as food and temperature, could also contribute to non-random spatial configuration. We converted the positions of the hexagonal cells in a brood comb to Cartesian coordinates, labeled by sex or caste of the individuals inside. To detect and locate clustered patterns, the mapped brood combs were evaluated by indexes of dispersion (MMC, mean distance of cells of a given category from their centroid) and eccentricity (DMB, distance between this centroid and the overall brood comb centroid) that we developed. After randomizing the labels and recalculating the indexes, we calculated probabilities that the original values had been generated by chance. We created sets of binary brood combs in which males were aggregated, regularly or randomly distributed among females. These stylized maps were used to describe the power of MMC and DMB, and they were applied to evaluate the male distribution in the sampled Nannotrigona testaceicornis brood combs. MMC was very sensitive to slight deviations from a perfectly rounded clump; DMB detected any asymmetry in the location of these compact to fuzzy clusters. Six of the 82 brood combs of N. testaceicornis that we analyzed had more than nine males, distributed according to variations in spatial patterns, as indicated by the two indexes.
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This paper analyzes structural interdependence among Colombian departments. The results show that Bogota has a large influence on the other regional economies through the power of its purchases. Additionally, a center-periphery pattern emerges in the spatial concentration of the effects of the hypothetical extraction of any territory. From a policy point of view, the main findings reaffirm the role played by Bogota in the recent polarization process observed in the regional economies in Colombia. Any policy action oriented to reduce these regional disparities should take into account that, given the structural interdependence among Colombian departments, the effects of new investment in the lagged regions would flow through Bogota and the major regional economies.
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The work of Michel Foucault sees modern penal technology its ann expression of power that operates through and is motivated by a dry instrumental reason. This article draws upon Durkheim and Bakhtin to advance a radically alternative approach. It is suggested that such technology is invested with sacred and profane symbolism and is understood via emotionally charged, dramatically compelling narrative frames. Tensions between official and unauthorized discourses can be understood through a center/periphery model of culture. In an extended case study of the guillotine, it is shown dial the apparatus was initially legitimated as an expression of a sacred revolutionary code. Such a discourse was subsequently destabilized by popular medical debates that raised the specter of pain after decapitation. While inconclusive, these new motifs mobilized Gothic and grotesque themes that confronted the rationalist aesthetics of the guillotine. A situation of Bakhtinian hetoroglossia eventuated. Uncertainty, the uncanny and fable entered a discursive field of increasing complexity.
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This paper analyzes People's Republic of China (PRC) economic and political ascendance in the 21st century focusing on the evolution of the sui generis economic development model and its significances of the evolution of relationship between China and the developing countries in the peripheral "Global South." The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and the Global South (Africa and South America) in the 21st century, characterized as a new Center-periphery global network power based on trade and investment that we call as "Asian Consensus."
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This study demonstrates and applies a social network methodology for studying the dynamics of hierarchies in organizations. Social network (blockmodel) analysis of verbal networks in four hospitals contrasted hierarchical and structurally equivalent partitions of the sociomatrices of frequent ties and perceptions of organizational culture. It was found that the verbal networks in these organizations follow a center periphery pattern rather than a hierarchical logic and that perceptions of culture vary more by verbal network than by formal hierarchy. The perceptions of culture of central groups in one organization are much like those of peripheral groups in another. In all four hospitals, structurally equivalent social networks are more important in predicting subcultures than are hierarchical groupings and hierarchy has a limited impact on the development of verbal networks. These findings suggest the value of an amoeba rather than a pyramid metaphor in interpreting the cultures and relational structures of organizations.
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The global expansion of capitalism under American hegemony in the second half of the 20th century has changed the international division of labor and center-periphery scheme proposed under British hegemony. Under the new international division of labor, the United States is forced to generate an ever growing deficit in their trade account in order to accommodate the "mercantilist' expansion of Asian countries, produced by the trans-nationalization of big capital, under American aegis. This form of global economic articulation is at the root of the rupture of the Bretton Woods system and the growing financial liberalization imposed by the hegemonic power over other countries since the 80s.
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This paper examines the structuralist tradition in economics, emphasizing the role that structures play in the economic growth of developing countries. Since the subject at hand is evidently too large to cover in a single article, an emphasis has been brought to bear upon the macroeconomic elements of such a tradition, while also exploring its methodological aspects. It begins by analysing some general aspects of structuralism in economics (its evolution and origins) associated with ECLAC thought, in this instance focusing on the dynamics of the center-periphery relationship. Thereafter, the macroeconomic structuralism derived from the works of Taylor (1983, 1991) is presented, followed by a presentation of neo-structuralism. Centred on the concept of systemic competitiveness, this approach defines a strategy to achieve the high road of globalization, understood here as an inevitable process in spite of its engagement being dependent on the policies adopted. The conclusions show the genuine contributions of this tradition to economic theory.
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As transformações na dinâmica demográfica ocorrida nas últimas décadas nos espaços urbanos passam, em grande medida, pela reconfiguração territorial, econômica e social das áreas metropolitanas, na qual os movimentos das pessoas exercem influência fundamental. Para este trabalho, propomos uma abordagem sobre o movimento migratório intra-metropolitano em 14 áreas metropolitanas brasileiras, quais sejam: Belém, Belo Horizonte, Brasília, Campinas, Curitiba, Florianópolis, Fortaleza, Goiânia, Porto Alegre, Recife, Rio de Janeiro, Salvador, São Paulo e Vitória; questionamos se este fenômeno estaria alterando a histórica “pressão pelas áreas centrais metropolitanas” ou se essa população está mudando de residência, mas continua trabalhando no núcleo. Pensando sobre os movimentos da população ocupada nas regiões metropolitanas, buscamos ainda considerar os tipos de movimentos realizados (núcleo-periferia; periferia-núcleo e periferia-periferia) com uma caracterização desta população. Portanto, nossa reflexão está relacionada às diferentes lógicas que operam sobre o lugar de moradia das pessoas e os lugares de outros fazeres que determinam a vida urbana, especialmente o lugar de trabalho. A localização dos postos de trabalho em áreas mais “centrais” e a quantidade considerável de pessoas que se deslocam para estes municípios também são fenômenos expressivos ainda. Será que os movimentos cotidianos podem se apresentar como uma alternativa para a residência em outras áreas da metrópole e o trabalho nas áreas centrais? Nossa proposta é a de que esses processos precisam ser analisados cada vez mais em conjunto com a migração intra-metropolitana.
Gobierno y gobernancia de los territorios, sectorialidad y territorialidad de las políticas públicas
Resumo:
El hecho de que, desde la Constitución de 1991, normas y sentencias tiendan en considerar que los ejecutivos locales (alcaldes, gobernadores) deben ser unos agentes regidores que practican el gobierno del territorio y la “descentralización controlada” más que unos actores gobernantes, defensores de la gobernancia de sus territorios, plantea la cuestión de saber por qué y cómo aquéllos pueden combinar este doble rol. La mayor parte de la respuesta se encuentra en el examen simultáneo de la lógica de regulación de las políticas pública (Muller, 1997 y 2002) y de las condiciones de su implementación en el territorio o “despliegue territorial” (Medellín, 2003).La territorialidad de una política pública se refiere, según Muller, a una situación en la cual la lógica dominante de una política pública es una lógica territorial u horizontal (regulación de un territorio geográfico en una dialéctica centro-periferia), mientras la sectorialidad se refiere a una situación en la cual la lógica dominante de una política pública es una lógica sectorial o vertical (regulación de la reproducción de un sector determinado verticalmente en una dialéctica global-sectorial). A cada lógica de regulación de las políticas públicas le corresponde una manera de gobernar un territorio: el gobierno del territorio para la sectorialidad y la gobernancia de los territorios para la territorialidad.Al contrario del caso francés en el cual la construcción del Estado marca el fin de una lógica de territorialidad (la “territorialidad tradicional”), el Estado colombiano es un Estado endémico, un Estado fragmentado confrontado a la lucha por el control territorial y el temor a la fractura de la unidad territorial (Navas, 2003). Su capacidad parcial por cubrir todo el territorio y actuar sobre él (su “territorialidad parcial” según Medellín) afecta su gobernabilidad y el despliegue territorial de las políticas públicas, sometido a negociaciones inciertas, cercanas a la temática de la gobernancia.Por ello, la gobernabilidad en Colombia sólo es posible mediante políticas públicas híbridas, hijas del “matrimonio indisoluble de la sectorialidad y de la territorialidad”, de la “secterritorialidad”, que combina en proporción variable lógica sectorial (o sectorialidad, que implica centralización) y lógica territorial (o territorialidad, que implica descentralización), gracias a un modo de gobierno híbrido, la “gobiernancia” del territorio, ésta es una “dosificación” compleja entre gobier-no y gobernancia. Es, entonces, posible determinar el grado de territorialidad y de sectorialidad de una política pública en un momento dado y clasificar las políticas públicas según su grado de territorialidad y de sectorialidad, es decir, según la importancia relativa de sus lógicas de regulación.Si el periodo que empieza al iniciar los años setenta, y que termina al iniciar los años ochenta es un periodo en el cual domina primordialmente la sectorialidad y se asegura la gobernabilidad recurriendo casi exclusivamente al gobierno del territorio a través del despliegue territorial separado de cada sector, el periodo que va de 1984 a la época actual, caracterizado por la “descentralización controlada”, señala un cambio parcial de lógica de regulación de las políticas públicas a través del recurrir parcial a la lógica de territorialidad como respuesta a alguna crisis de sectorialidad.Como bien lo muestra el análisis y la evaluación de las políticas públicas de vivienda de interés social, ordenamiento y desarrollo del territorio municipal, educación y acueducto y alcantarillado, la gobernabilidad en este secundo periodo está asegurada, entonces, sólo gracias a la gobiernancia en los territorios o combinación entre el gobierno del territorio y la gobernancia de los territorios, es decir, gracias a un modo de gobierno híbrido que les permite a los ejecutivos locales conciliar su inclinación por la gobernancia de sus territorios y sus obligaciones en cuanto al gobierno del territorio y ser, al mismo tiempo, actores gobernantes y agentes regidores.-----Since the 1991 Constitution, most rulings and sentences tend to consider that individuals in charge of the local executive power (mayors, governors) should be some sort of tuling aldermen responsible for their particular territories and their “controlled decentralization” instead of actual governing actors, advocates and defenders of the governance of their territories. This fact raises the questions of why and how they can possibly play this double role. The bulk of the answer to this question can be found by examining both the logic behind public policies (Muller) and the conditions in whixh these are implemented in each territory, or “territorial deployment” (Medellìn).According to Muller, the territoriality of a particular public policy refers to a situation whereby the prevailing logic is territorial or horizontal (regulation of a geographical territory follows a center-periphery scheme), whereas its sectoriality refers to a situation whereby the prevailing logic is sectorial or vertical (regulation of a sector’s reproduction is vertically determined by a global-sectorial scheme). For each regulation logic behind public policies there is a corresponding way of governing a particular territory: governing the territory for the sake of sectoriality, and governing it for the sake of territoriality.As opposed to the French case, whereby the construction of the State signals the purposes of a territorial logic (“traditional territoriality”), the Colombian State is na endemic one, a fragmented State struggling for territorial control and in fear of the fragmentation of territorial unity (Navas). Its limited capacity to cover the whole territory and to act on it (its “limited or partial territoriality”, according to Medellín) affects governability as well as the deployment of public policies, which is frequently subject to uncertain negotiations related to the problem of governance.That es why governability in Colombia is only possible through hybrid public policies, which are in turn the result of the “indissoluble marriage between sectoriality and territoriality”, the result of a sort of “secterritoriality” which combines in various proportions a sectorial logic (or sectoriallity, which implies centralization) and a territorial logic (or territoriallity, which implies decentralization), all due to a hybrid form of governmen, or “governance” of the territory, a complex and variable dosage of both government and governance. Keeping this in mind, it is possible to establish the degree of territoriality and sectoriality of a public policy at a particular time, and to classify public policies according to their degree of territoriality and/or sectoriality, that is, according to the relative importance of the logics behind their regulation.From the early 70s to the early 80s, sectoriality prevailed and governability was guaranteed almost exclusively through the separate territorial deployment of each sector, then, from 1984 to the present, “controlled decentralization” has shown partial changes in the regulation logic behind public policies by resorting, at least in part, to a logic of territoriality in response to some sort of sectorriality crisis.As can be clearly seen after analyzing and evaluatin public policies in matters such as statesubsidized housing, municipal land development and legislation, education, water and sewage services, governability during this second period can only be guaranteed by governance in the territories or by a combination of both, government in the territory and governance in the territories. In other words, governability is possible thanks to a type of hybrid government that allows those in charge of exercising local executive power to reconcile their bias towards the governance of their teritories and their duties vis-àvis the government of the territory, but capable of being, at the same time, governing actors and ruling agents, active modern-day aldermen.
Resumo:
The thesis which follows, entitled ''The Postoccidental Deconstruction and Resignification of 'Modemity': A Critical Analysis", is an exposition and criticism of the critique of occidental modemity found in a group of writings which identify their critique with a "postoccidental" point of view with respect to postcolonial studies. The general problem ofthe investigation concems the significance and reach ofthis critique of modemity in relation to the ongoing debate, in Latín American studies, about the historical relationship between Latín America, as a mu1ticultural/ structurally heterogeneous region, and the industrial societies of Euro pe and North America. A brief Preface explains the genealogy of the author's ideas on this subject Following this preface, the thesis proceeds to analyze the writings in this corpus through an intertextual, schematic approach which singles out two rnajor elements of the postoccidental critique: "coloniality" and "eurocentrism". These two main elements are investigated in the Introduction and Chapters One and Two, in terms of how they distinguish postoccidental analysis from other theoretical tendencias with which it has affinities but whose key concepts it reformu1ates in ways that are key to the unique approach which postoccidental analysis takes to modemity, the nature of the capitalist world system, colonialism, subaltemization, center/periphery and development . Chapter Three attempts a critical analysis of the foregoing postoccidentalist deconstruction according to the following question: to what extent does it succeed in deconstructing "modernity" as a term which refers to a historically articulated set of discourses whose underlying purpose has been to justify European and North American hegemony and structural asymmetries vis-a-vis the peripheries of the capitalist world system, based on an ethnocentric, racialist logic of exploitation and subalternization of non-European peoples? A Conclusion follows Chapter Three.
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This paper analyzes the People’s Republic of China economic and political ascendance in the 21st century, focusing on the evolution of its sui géneris economic development model and its significance for the relationship between China and the developing countries of the peripheral ‘Global South.’ The objective of this article is to analyze the relationship between China and Latin America in the 21st century, characterizing it as a new Center-periphery global power network based on trade and investment, which is often referred to as the ‘Asian Consensus’. The article will give special attention to the Brazilian case.
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The tertiary sector has been (re)defining and (re)qualifying, in an impacting way, the urban spaces in the cities, introducing new elements for the discussion of the relationship center/periphery. In Natal, as an inducing economic activity of its development, it conforms to the new needs of the capital, expanding, being materialized through several processes and spatial forms. We aim at analyzing one of those processes, which has taken its Northern Administrative Area to (re)define the design of its urban space, through the actions developed by the agents involved with the spatialization of the tertiary activities, at the same time as it redimensions its role as a periphery of Natal, contributing to the study of the recent and growing transformations of the Brazilian capitals. The studied district corresponds to 39.4% of the municipal area and, until recently, was composed by precarious reproduction spaces, unprovided of relevant economical activities. After the boom of the development of extensive housing complexes by SFH/BNH, the area, gradually stopped being a dependent area, and it imposed itself as an economically participant region, with the increase of the trade and services sectors, as well as a favorable place for the appearance of new activities. Its reflexes are noticeable in the achieved spatial configuration. As the main road to induct changes, Dr. João Medeiros Filho Avenue presents these new tendencies in the production of the intraurban space, concentrating the largest goods and services equipments of the area, through investments of the private and public sectors, which guarantee the capital allocation for the construction of a new centrality
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This work analyses the ability of National States and regions have to formulations development strategies. Redeeming the initial development concept as a conflictual process, the hypothesis is that it presents internal and external constraints, as the latter have a higher preponderance, revealed the role played by money. In this case, one can point to as sub-hypothesis that the growth models with external constraint, mainly through the balance of payments, may illustrate the fact that countries are subject to international economic interactions that limit the possibility of bringing acylating strategies well successful in overcoming backwardness. For the specific case of regions, indicates that the external constraint remains an element of embarrassment for regional development, but redeems itself the center-periphery relations in this context to discuss the role of monetary and financial system as an explanation for the disparities regional income. On the domestic front, we highlight the importance of social structures of accumulation as an element of internal cohesion necessary to achieve successful development trajectories. It points also to the importance of the State in the process rescuing some of the main theoretical contributions of the political economy of development, incorporating the concept of globalization on theoretical frameworks presented. This construction where development depends on the actions of external and internal conditions, where money plays a key role as a guideline for reflections on regional development. The attempt was to transplant our considerations on the general development to address the case of regions. Finally, we conclude by greater confidence in the hypothesis and sub-hypotheses of departure, which led to propositions of economic policies
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This thesis focuses on the economic relations in the interior of the Portuguese America, more specifically in Pernambuco Captancy in the 17th Century, concerning the discussion about center-periphery relationship and also the context of Brazilian colonial history. In addition, it portrays the exportations of leather to Portugal, their consequences in the Captaincy of Pernambuco and the businessmen involved in the trade and manufacturing of that product. In order to accomplish this work, manuscripts of Arquivo Histórico Ultramarino (Ultramarine Historical Archives), colonial narratives and maps of the mercantile loads have been used so that one can visualize that the manufacturing of leather and other products have provided a social and economical connection among Pernambuco, Recife as trade center, Olinda as administrative municipality and Portugal