Contraceptive methods with male participation: a perspective of Brazilian couples

Objective: To assess the perspectives of couples who requested vasectomy in a public health service on the use of male participation contraceptive methods available in Brazil: male condoms, natural family planning/calendar, coitus interruptus and vasectomy. Methods: A qualitative study with semi-structured interviews was held with 20 couples who had requested vasectomy at the Human Reproduction Unit of the Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Brazil. Data analysis was carried out through thematic content analysis. Findings: The couples did not, in general, know any effective contraceptive options for use by men and/or participating in their use, except for vasectomy. The few methods with male participation that they knew of were perceived to interfere in spontaneity and in pleasure of intercourse. Men accepted that condom use in extra-conjugal relations offered them protection from sexually transmitted diseases; that their wives might also participate in extra-marital relationships was not considered. Discussion: The few contraceptive options with male participation lead to difficulty in sharing responsibilities between men and women. On the basis of perceived gender roles, women took the responsibility for contraception until the moment when the situation became untenable, and they faced the unavoidable necessity of sterilization. Conclusion: Specific actions are necessary for men to achieve integral participation in relation to reproductive sexual health. These include education and discussions on gender roles, leading to greater awareness in men of the realities of sexual and reproductive health.

Statistical evaluation of contraceptive methods: use-effectiveness and extended use-effectiveness

Includes bibliography

Contraceptive changes after reproductive events among Australian women born in 1973 to 1978: A longitudinal study from 1996 to 2009

Background Women change contraception as they try to conceive, space births, and limit family size. This longitudinal analysis examines contraception changes after reproductive events such as birth, miscarriage or termination among Australian women born from 1973 to 1978 to identify potential opportunities to increase the effectiveness of contraceptive information and service provision. Methods Between 1996 and 2009, 5,631 Australian women randomly sampled from the Australian universal health insurance (Medicare) database completed five self-report postal surveys. Three longitudinal logistic regression models were used to assess the associations between reproductive events (birth only, birth and miscarriage, miscarriage only, termination only, other multiple events, and no new event) and subsequent changes in contraceptive use (start using, stop using, switch method) compared with women who continued to use the same method. Results After women experienced only a birth, or a birth and a miscarriage, they were more likely to start using contraception. Women who experienced miscarriages were more likely to stop using contraception. Women who experienced terminations were more likely to switch methods. There was a significant interaction between reproductive events and time indicating more changes in contraceptive use as women reach their mid-30s. Conclusion Contraceptive use increases after the birth of a child, but decreases after miscarriage indicating the intention for family formation and spacing between children. Switching contraceptive methods after termination suggests these pregnancies were unintended and possibly due to contraceptive failure. Women’s contact with health professionals around the time of reproductive events provides an opportunity to provide contraceptive services.

“As many options as there are, there are just not enough for me” : a qualitative analysis of contraceptive use and barriers to access among Australian women

There is currently little information available about reasons for contraceptive use or non-use among young Australian women and the reasons for choosing specific types of contraceptive methods. A comprehensive life course perspective of women's experiences in using and obtaining contraceptives is lacking, particularly relating to women's perceived or physical barriers to access. This paper presents an analysis of qualitative data gathered from free-text comments provided by women born between 1973 and 1978 as part of their participation in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health. The Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health is a large cohort study involving over 40,000 women from three age groups (aged 18-23, aged 40-45 and aged 70-75) who were selected from the database of Medicare the Australian universal health insurance system in 1995. The women have been surveyed every 3 years about their health by mailed self-report surveys, and more recently online. Written comments from 690 women across five surveys from 1996 (when they were aged 18-23 years) to 2009 (aged 31-36 years) were examined. Factors relating to contraceptive use and barriers to access were identified and explored using thematic analysis. Side-effects, method satisfaction, family timing, and hormonal balance were relevant to young women using contraception. Most women who commented about a specific contraceptive method wrote about the oral contraceptive pill. While many women were positive or neutral about their method, noting its convenience or non-contraceptive benefits, many others were concerned about adverse effects, affordability, method failure, and lack of choice. Negative experiences with health services, lack of information, and cost were identified as barriers to access. As the cohort aged over time, method choice, changing patterns of use, side-effects, and negative experiences with health services remained important themes. Side-effects, convenience, and family timing play important roles in young Australian women's experiences of contraception and barriers to access. Contrary to assumptions, barriers to contraceptive access continue to be experienced by young women as they move into adulthood. Further research is needed about how to decrease barriers to contraceptive use and minimise negative experiences in order to ensure optimal contraceptive access for Australian women.

Contraceptive use and unintended pregnancy among 18-23 year old women in Australia : the first findings of the CUPID study

Objectives: Little is known about young adult women's experience of unintended pregnancy in Australia, nor the extent to which ineffective contraceptive use or contraceptive failure may lead to young women becoming pregnant. The CUPID study is the first in Australia to examine young adult Australian women's patterns of contraceptive use, their experience of unintended pregnancy, and their use (or not) of contraception at the time of conception. Methods: Australian women aged 18-23 years completed an online survey about contraceptive use and experience of unintended pregnancy. They were recruited through a range of methods including advertising on Facebook, and snowball sampling. Sample representativeness was established through comparison with Census data. Results: Of the 511 respondents, 403 women reported that they had ever had sex and were not currently pregnant. Among these women, the pill was the most common method of contraception used on the most recent occasion, used alone (30%) or with condoms (21%). Condoms (alone or with another method other than the pill) were used by a further 17%, and long-acting contraceptive methods by a further 16%. Other methods such as natural methods or partner vasectomy were used by 16%. The withdrawal method was surprisingly common and was mentioned by 15% of the women overall, usually in combination with another method. There were 63 women who had been pregnant, including 5 who were pregnant at the time of the survey, and of these 55 (87%) had become pregnant by accident. Of these 55 women, 69% reported using a range of contraception methods when they became pregnant by accident: Pill only (29%) and in combination with condoms (3%) and withdrawal (5%); condoms only (18%) and in combination with withdrawal (16%); emergency contraceptive pill only (3%) and in combination with withdrawal (3%) and withdrawal only (24%). Conclusions: This study highlighted the use of less effective methods of contraception among young Australian women. The withdrawal method was commonly used, often in combination with other methods, particularly before an unintended pregnancy. Among the women who had been pregnant, most reported that their pregnancy had been unintended. A third of the young women who had experienced an unintended pregnancy were using the withdrawal method. Further research is needed about the place of the withdrawal method in the contraceptive practices of young women.

“As many options as there are, there are just not enough for me” : a qualitative analysis of contraceptive use and barriers to access among Australian women

There is currently little information available about reasons for contraceptive use or non-use among young Australian women and the reasons for choosing specific types of contraceptive methods. A comprehensive life course perspective of women's experiences in using and obtaining contraceptives is lacking, particularly relating to women's perceived or physical barriers to access. This paper presents an analysis of qualitative data gathered from free-text comments provided by women born between 1973 and 1978 as part of their participation in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health. The Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health is a large cohort study involving over 40,000 women from three age groups (aged 18-23, aged 40-45 and aged 70-75) who were selected from the database of Medicare the Australian universal health insurance system in 1995. The women have been surveyed every 3 years about their health by mailed self-report surveys, and more recently online. Written comments from 690 women across five surveys from 1996 (when they were aged 18-23 years) to 2009 (aged 31-36 years) were examined. Factors relating to contraceptive use and barriers to access were identified and explored using thematic analysis. Side-effects, method satisfaction, family timing, and hormonal balance were relevant to young women using contraception. Most women who commented about a specific contraceptive method wrote about the oral contraceptive pill. While many women were positive or neutral about their method, noting its convenience or non-contraceptive benefits, many others were concerned about adverse effects, affordability, method failure, and lack of choice. Negative experiences with health services, lack of information, and cost were identified as barriers to access. As the cohort aged over time, method choice, changing patterns of use, side-effects, and negative experiences with health services remained important themes. Side-effects, convenience, and family timing play important roles in young Australian women's experiences of contraception and barriers to access. Contrary to assumptions, barriers to contraceptive access continue to be experienced by young women as they move into adulthood. Further research is needed about how to decrease barriers to contraceptive use and minimise negative experiences in order to ensure optimal contraceptive access for Australian women.

Higher uptake of long-acting reversible and permanent methods of contraception by Australian women living in rural and remote areas

Objectives: To examine factors associated with the uptake of i) long-acting reversible, ii) permanent and iii) traditional contraceptive methods among Australian women. Methods: Participants in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health born in 1973–78 reported on their contraceptive use at three surveys: 2003, 2006 and 2009. The participants were 5,849 women aged 25–30 in 2003 randomly sampled from Medicare. The main outcome measure was current contraceptive method at age 28–33 years categorised as long-acting reversible methods (implant, IUD, injection), permanent (tubal ligation, vasectomy), and traditional methods (oral contraceptive pills, condoms, withdrawal, safe period). Results: Compared to women living in major cities, women in inner regional areas were more likely to use long-acting (OR=1.26, 95%CI 1.03–1.55) or permanent methods (OR=1.43, 95%CI 1.17–1.76). Women living in outer regional/remote areas were more likely than women living in cities to use long-acting (OR=1.65, 95%CI 1.31–2.08) or permanent methods (OR=1.69, 95%CI 1.43–2.14). Conclusions: Location of residence is an important factor in women's choices about long-acting and permanent contraception in addition to the number and age of their children. Implications: Further research is needed to understand the role of geographical location in women's access to contraceptive options in Australia.

Peer-Informed Learning on Increasing Contraceptive Knowledge Among Women in Rural Haiti

Contraceptive prevalence in Haiti remains low despite extensive foreign aid targeted at improving family planning. [1] Earlier studies have found that peer-informed learning have been successful in promoting sexual and reproductive health. [2-5] This pilot project was implemented as a three-month, community-based, educational intervention to assess the impact of peer education in increasing contraceptive knowledge among women in Fondwa, Haiti. Research investigators conducted contraceptive information trainings to pre-identified female leaders of existing women’s groups in Fondwa, who were recruited as peer educators (n=4). Later, these female leaders shared the knowledge from the training with the test participants in the women’s group (n=23) through an information session. Structured surveys measuring knowledge of contraceptives were conducted with all participants before the intervention began, at the end of the intervention, and four weeks after the intervention. The surveys measured general contraceptive knowledge, knowledge about eight selected types of modern contraceptives and contraceptive preferences and attitudes. Only test participants showed significant improvement in their general contraceptive knowledge score (p<0.001), but both test participants and peer educators showed significant improvement in overall knowledge scores for identifying the types and uses of modern contraceptive methods. Assessment for knowledge retention remained significantly higher four weeks after the intervention than prior to the intervention. Therefore, a one-time, three-hour peer-based educational intervention using existing social structures is effective, and might be valuable in a population with minimal access to education and little to no knowledge about contraceptives.

Contraceptive Choices Pre and Post Pregnancy in Adolescence

STUDY OBJECTIVE: The main aim of this study is to evaluate the impact of adolescent pregnancy in the future contraceptive choices. A secondary aim is to verify whether these choices differ from those made after an abortion. DESIGN: Retrospective study. SETTING:Adolescent Unit of a tertiary care center. PARTICIPANTS:212 pregnant teenagers. INTERVENTIONS: Medical records review. MAIN OUTCOME MEASURES:Intended pregnancy rate and contraceptive methods used before and after pregnancy. For contraceptive choices after pregnancy we considered: Group 1 - teenagers who continued their pregnancy to delivery (n = 106) and Group 2 - the same number of adolescents who chose to terminate their pregnancy. RESULTS: The intended pregnancy rate was 14.2%. Prior to a pregnancy continued to delivery, the most widely used contraceptive method was the male condom (50.9%), followed by oral combined contraceptives (28.3%); 18.9% of adolescents were not using any contraceptive method. After pregnancy, contraceptive implant was chosen by 70.8% of subjects (P < .001) and the oral combined contraceptives remained the second most frequent option (17.9%, P = .058). Comparing these results with Group 2, we found that the outcome of the pregnancy was the main factor in the choices that were made. Thus, after a pregnancy continued to delivery, adolescents prefer the use of LARC [78.4% vs 40.5%, OR: 5,958 - 95% (2.914-12.181), P < .001)], especially contraceptive implants [70.8% vs 38.7%, OR: 4.371 - 95% (2.224-8.591), P < .001], to oral combined contraceptives [17.9% vs 57.5%, OR: 0.118 - 95% CI (0.054-0.258), P < .001]. CONCLUSION:Adolescent pregnancy and its outcome constitute a factor of change in future contraceptive choice.

Extended regimens of the contraceptive vaginal ring versus hormonal oral contraceptives: effects on lipid metabolism

Background: Combined oral contraceptives used in an extended regimen have been studied because of their potential benefits; however, there have been few publications on extended regimens of contraceptive vaginal rings. The aim of this study was to assess the effects of these two extended regimens on the lipid metabolism of women using these contraceptive methods during 1 year. Study Design: This prospective study enrolled 150 women: 75 used a vaginal contraceptive ring (11.7 mg etonogestrel and 2.7 mg ethinyl estradiol), and 75 used oral contraceptives (30 mcg ethinyl estradiol and 150 mg desogestrel). Both groups used their respective method for 84 days followed by a 7-day pause during I year. At baseline and every 3 months during the study period, blood was collected to assess total cholesterol, high-density lipoprotein cholesterol, low-density lipoprotein cholesterol, triglycerides and apolipoprotein (apo) A-I and B. The analysis of variance test was used to analyze differences in the results of these exams over time. Results: A total of 62 vaginal ring and 61 oral contraceptive users completed the study. There were no significant differences in the discontinuation rate, mean total cholesterol and fraction levels, apo B concentration or apo A-I/apo B ratio. Vaginal ring users had significantly higher apo A-I levels than oral contraceptive users. Conclusion: Despite the vaginal route of administration, the steroids released by the ring had the same effects on the lipid metabolism and lipoprotein levels typically seen with ethinyl estradiol given either by oral or parenteral routes. (C) 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.

FACTORS INFLUENCING CHOICE OF CONTRACEPTIVE METHOD AMONG MARRIED FECUND WOMEN WHO INTEND NO ADDITIONAL BIRTHS: HEALTH BELIEF MODEL AND ECONOMIC PERSPECTIVES

This research examined to what extent Health Belief Model (HBM) and socioeconomic variables were useful in explaining the choice whether or not more effective contraceptive methods were used among married fecund women intending no additional births. The source of the data was the 1976 National Survey of Family Growth conducted under the auspices of the National Center for Health Statistics. Using the HBM as a framework for multivariate analyses limited support was found (using available measures) that the HBM components of motivation and perceived efficacy influence the likelihood of more effective contraceptive method use. Support was also found that modifying variables suggested by the HBM can influence the effects of HBM components on the likelihood of more effective method use. Socioeconomic variables were found, using all cases and some subgroups, to have a significant additional influence on the likelihood of use of more effective methods. Limited support was found for the concept that the greater the opportunity costs of an unwanted birth the greater the likelihood of use of more effective contraceptive methods. This research supports the use of HBM and socioeconomic variables to explain the likelihood of a protective health behavior, use of more effective contraception if no additional births are intended.^

Area of residence is associated with Australian women’s uptake of long-acting contraception

Objective: Several new types of contraception became available in Australia over the last twelve years (the implant in 2001, progestogen intra-uterine device (IUD) in 2003, and vaginal contraceptive ring in 2007). Most methods of contraception require access to health services. Permanent sterilisation and the insertion of an implant or IUD involve a surgical procedure. Access to health professionals providing these specialised services may be more difficult in rural areas. This paper examines uptake of permanent or long-acting reversible contraception (LARCs) among Australian women in rural areas compared to women in urban areas. Method: Participants in the Australian Longitudinal Study on Women's Health born in 1973-78 reported on their contraceptive use at three surveys: 2003, 2006 and 2009. Contraceptive methods included permanent sterilisation (tubal ligation, vasectomy), non-daily or LARC methods (implant, IUD, injection, vaginal ring), and other methods including daily, barrier or "natural" methods (oral contraceptive pills, condoms, withdrawal, safe period). Sociodemographic, reproductive history and health service use factors associated with using permanent, LARC or other methods were examined using a multivariable logistic regression analysis. Results: Of 9,081 women aged 25-30 in 2003, 3% used permanent methods and 4% used LARCs. Six years later in 2009, of 8,200 women (aged 31-36), 11% used permanent methods and 9% used LARCs. The fully adjusted parsimonious regression model showed that the likelihood of a woman using LARCs and permanent methods increased with number of children. Women whose youngest child was school-age were more likely to use LARCs (OR=1.83, 95%CI 1.43-2.33) or permanent methods (OR=4.39, 95%CI 3.54-5.46) compared to women with pre-school children. Compared to women living in major cities, women in inner regional areas were more likely to use LARCs (OR=1.26, 95%CI 1.03-1.55) or permanent methods (OR=1.43, 95%CI 1.17-1.76). Women living in outer regional and remote areas were more likely than women living in cities to use LARCs (OR=1.65, 95%CI 1.31-2.08) or permanent methods (OR=1.69, 95%CI 1.43-2.14). Women with poorer access to GPs were more likely to use permanent methods (OR=1.27, 95%CI 1.07-1.52). Conclusions: Location of residence and access to health services are important factors in women's choices about long-acting contraception in addition to the number and age of their children. There is a low level of uptake of non-daily, long-acting methods of contraception among Australian women in their mid-thirties.

Recours à l’avortement provoqué à Lomé (Togo) : évolution, facteurs associés et perceptions

Le sujet de l’avortement provoqué demeure encore tabou au Togo et la compréhension du phénomène reste incomplète. La présente étude vise à dresser un portrait complet de ses divers aspects dans la capitale togolaise, qui a connu une baisse importante de la fécondité au cours des dernières années. À partir des données des Enquêtes démographiques et de santé (EDS) de 1988 et 1998, et de celles de l’Enquête sur la planification familiale et l’avortement provoqué (EPAP) de 2002, l’étude montre que le recours à l’avortement est à la hausse à Lomé, bien que l’estimation de son ampleur dépende de la méthode utilisée. Plus de 32 % des femmes ayant déjà été enceintes ont déclaré avoir avorté au moins une fois. Toutefois, l’avortement est plus fréquent chez les jeunes, qui y ont recours de manière plus précoce et plus rapprochée que leurs aînées. En contribuant ainsi à la régulation des naissances, l’avortement réduit la fécondité de 10 à 12 %. En utilisant les données de l’EPAP, réalisée auprès de 4755 femmes âgées de 15-49 ans, nous avons aussi étudié le recours à l’avortement comme une séquence d’étapes débutant par l’exposition au risque de grossesse jusqu’au recours à l’avortement, en passant par une absence de pratique contraceptive et le fait qu’une grossesse qui survient soit déclarée « non désirée ». L’ethnie et la génération sont associées à certaines étapes de la séquence alors que la religion, la parité, le statut matrimonial et le niveau d’instruction sont associés aux quatre étapes. Ainsi, le risque élevé d’avorter chez les femmes instruites découle en fait de leur risque élevé à toutes les étapes. En étant moins à risque de grossesse, les femmes qui ont au moins deux enfants sont plus susceptibles que les nullipares, d’utiliser une contraception moderne, de déclarer une grossesse comme non désirée et d’avorter. Si plusieurs grossesses non désirées surviennent aux âges jeunes, c’est surtout le caractère « hors union » de la grossesse qui fait qu’elle est considérée comme « non désirée » et interrompue. En outre, les femmes qui ont déjà avorté ou utilisé une contraception sont plus enclines à recourir à un avortement. Les résultats montrent également que le partenaire soutient souvent la femme dans la décision d’avorter et s’acquitte des coûts dans la majorité des cas. Malgré le fait qu’ils soient illégaux, plus de 40 % des avortements sont pratiqués à Lomé dans des centres de santé, par un membre du personnel médical, et à l’aide du curetage ou de l’aspiration. Mais, la moitié de ces avortements (22 %) avait été tentée au préalable par des méthodes non médicales. Plusieurs avortements ont aussi lieu soit à domicile (36 %), soit chez des tradi-thérapeutes (24 %), grâce à des méthodes non médicales. Par ailleurs, près de 60 % des avortements ont entraîné des complications sanitaires, conduisant la majorité des femmes à une hospitalisation. Sur le plan psychologique et relationnel, nous avons montré que la plupart des avortements ont entraîné des regrets et remords, de même que des problèmes entre les femmes et leurs parents. Les parents soutiennent en fait peu les femmes dans la décision d’avorter et interviennent rarement dans le paiement des coûts. L’étude a enfin révélé que la loi sur l’avortement est peu connue. Cependant, être âgée de 25 ans ou plus, en union ou très instruite, connaître des méthodes contraceptives, le recours d’une parente ou amie à l’avortement sont associés, toutes choses égales par ailleurs, à une plus grande chance de connaître la loi. L’analyse, en appuyant des déclarations des professionnels de la santé et des femmes, montre que malgré sa forte prévalence à Lomé, le recours à l’avortement demeure largement stigmatisé. Les quelques professionnels et femmes qui se sont prononcés en faveur de sa légalisation pensent que celle-ci permettrait de « réduire les avortements clandestins et risqués ». En fait, ce sont les femmes les plus instruites, âgées de 25 ans ou plus, utilisant la contraception, ayant déjà avorté ou connaissant quelqu’un l’ayant fait, qui sont plus aptes à approuver la légalisation de l’avortement. Celles qui appartiennent aux églises de type « pentecôtiste », plus sévères quant aux relations sexuelles hors mariage, sont par contre moins susceptibles que les catholiques d’avoir une telle attitude positive.

Les mères accusées d'infanticide dans le district judiciaire de Montréal 1798-1850

Au XIXe siècle, enfanter illégitimement représentait une transgression importante. Honteuses, abandonnées par leur amant, craignant d’être répudiées par leur famille et leur communauté, de nombreuses célibataires ne purent assumer les conséquences de leur grossesse. Confrontées à des méthodes contraceptives et abortives inefficaces, incapables d’intenter un procès pour reconnaissance de paternité ou inconscientes du fait que les orphelinats et les maternités leur offraient des alternatives, ces femmes entreprirent de cacher leur grossesse et se résolurent à tuer leur enfant presque immédiatement après leur naissance. La découverte du cadavre d’un nouveau-né déclenchait une enquête officielle et quelques femmes furent trainées devant les tribunaux. Cette étude met l'accent sur le parcours individuel et social des mères infanticides et tente de comprendre les circonstances qui firent d’elles des meurtrières.

Essays on education and family planning

Le capital humain d’un pays est un facteur important de sa croissance et de son développement à long terme. Selon l’Unicef, ce capital humain est constitué en donnant à chaque enfant un bon départ dans la vie : non seule- ment la possibilité de survivre, mais aussi les conditions nécessaires pour se développer et réaliser tout son potentiel. Malheureusement, cet état de fait est loin d’être une réalité en Afrique Subsaharienne. En effet, selon toujours l’Unicef et sur la base d’enquêtes ménages dans 21 pays d’Afrique de l’Ouest et du Centre, c’est près de 32 millions d’enfants qui ont l’âge officiel d’être scolarisés, mais qui ne le sont pas. A ces chiffres, il faut ajouter 17 millions d’enfants scolarisés qui risquent fortement l’exclusion. De son Côté, l’OMS pointe du doigt la mauvaise santé des enfants dans cette région. Ainsi, les décès d’enfants sont de plus en plus concentrés en Afrique subsaharienne où les enfants ont plus de 15 fois plus de risques de mourir avant l’âge de cinq ans que les enfants des régions développées. Les difficultés économiques apparaissent comme la première explication des obstacles à l’amélioration du bien être des enfants aussi bien du côté de l’offre que de la demande. Cette thèse relie trois essais sur d’une part le lien entre conflit armés, l’éducation et la mortalité des enfants et d’autre part sur le lien entre fertilité et éducation des enfants en milieu urbain. Le premier chapitre identifie l’impact de la crise politico-militaire de la Côte d’Ivoire sur le bien être des enfants, en particulier sur l’éducation et la mor- talité infanto-juvénile en exploitant la variation temporelle et géographique de la crise. Il ressort de cette analyse que les individus qui vivaient dans les régions de conflit et qui ont atteint durant la crise, l’âge officiel d’entrer à l’école ont 10% moins de chance d’être inscrits à l’école. Les élèves qui habitaient dans des régions de conflit pendant la crise ont subit une diminu- tion du nombre d’années scolaire d’au moins une année. Les élèves les plus v vi âgés et qui sont susceptibles d’être au secondaire ont connu une décroissance du nombre d’année scolaire d’au moins deux années. Il ressort également que la crise ivoirienne a accru la mortalité infanto-juvénile d’au moins 3%. Mes résultats suggèrent également que la détérioration des conditions de vie et la limitation de l’utilisation des services de santé au cours du conflit con- tribuent à expliquer ces effets négatifs. Des tests de robustesse incluant un test de placebo suggèrent que les résultats ne sont pas dus à des différences préexistantes entre les régions affectées par le conflit et celles non affectées. Le deuxième chapitre étudie les disparités intra-urbaines en matière d’arbitrage entre le nombre d’enfant et la scolarisation des enfants en se focalisant sur le cas de Ouagadougou (Capitale du Burkina Faso). Dans cette ville, au moins 33% des deux millions d’habitants vivent dans des zones informelles (appelées localement des zones non-loties). Cette sous-population manque d’infrastructures socioéconomiques de base et a un niveau d’éducation très bas. Dans ce chapitre, prenant en compte la possible endogénéité du nombre d’enfants et en utilisant une approche "two-step control function" avec des modèles Probit, nous investiguons les différences de comportement des mé- nages en matière de scolarisation entre zones formelles et zones informelles. Nous nous focalisons en particulier sur l’arbitrage entre la "quantité" et la "qualité" des enfants. Compte tenu de l’hétérogénéité des deux types de zones, nous utilisons les probabilités prédites pour les comparer. Nos princi- pales conclusions sont les suivantes. Tout d’abord, nous trouvons un impact négatif de la taille de la famille sur le niveau de scolarisation dans les deux types de zone. Cependant, nous constatons que l’impact est plus aigu dans les zones informelles. Deuxièmement, si nous supposons que le caractère en- dogène du nombre d’enfants est essentiellement due à la causalité inverse, les résultats suggèrent que dans les zones formelles les parents tiennent compte de la scolarisation des enfants dans la décision de leur nombre d’enfants, mais ce ne est pas le cas dans les zones informelles. Enfin, nous constatons que, pour des familles avec les mêmes caractéristiques observables, la probabilité d’atteindre le niveau post-primaire est plus élevée dans les zones formelles que dans les zones informelles. En terme d’implications politique, selon ces résultats, les efforts pour améliorer la scolarisation des enfants ne doivent pas être dirigées uniquement vers les zones rurales. En plus de réduire les frais de scolarité dans certaines zones urbaines, en particulier les zones informelles, un accent particulier devrait être mis sur la sensibilisation sur les avantages de l’éducation pour le bien-être des enfants et leur famille. Enfin, du point vii de vue méthodologique, nos résultats montrent l’importance de tenir compte de l’hétérogénéité non observée entre les sous-populations dans l’explication des phénomènes socio-économiques. Compte tenu du lien négatif entre la taille de la famille et la scolarisation des enfants d’une part et les différences intra-urbaines de comportement des ménages en matière de scolarisation, le trosième chapitre étudie le rôle des types de méthodes contraceptives dans l’espacement des naissances en mi- lieu urbain. Ainsi, en distinguant les méthodes modernes et traditionnelles et en utilisant l’histoire génétique des femmes, ce chapitre fait ressortir des différences de comportement en matière de contraception entre les femmes des zones formelles et informelles à Ouagadougou (capitale du Burkina Faso). Les résultats montrent que les deux types de méthodes contraceptives aug- mentent l’écart des naissances et diminuent la probabilité qu’une naissance se produise moins de 24 mois après la précédente. Prendre en compte les caractéristiques non observées mais invariants avec le temps ne modifie pas significativement l’amplitude du coefficient de l’utilisation de la contracep- tion moderne dans les deux types de zone. Toutefois, dans la zone informelle, la prise en compte les effets fixes des femmes augmentent significativement l’effet des méthodes traditionnelles. Les normes sociales, la perception de la planification familiale et le rôle du partenaire de la femme pourraient expli- quer ces différences de comportement entre les zones formelles et informelles. Par conséquent, pour améliorer l’utilisation de la contraception et de leur efficacité, il est essentiel de hiérarchiser les actions en fonction du type de sous-population, même dans les zones urbaines.