1000 resultados para Còmics - Aspectes polítics


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El treball analitza la representació de l'Orient a la historieta gràfica, i d'una manera més especifica la imatge dels àrabs i els musulmans. La recerca demostra que els estereotips creats durant l'expansió europea dels segles XVIII i XIX, per l'orientalisme, han estat vigents i formant part de l'imaginari popular durant gairebé dos cents anys. La idisioncràsia popular de la historieta gràfica ha fet que aquests estereotips hagin influenciat la seva narrativa. El nou panorama social i polítc fruit, entre d’altres, del fenomen migratori de la última dècada del segle XX i l'aparició en escena del terrorisme integrista han comportat una transformació dels vells estereotips de l'orientalisme

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The main goal of this paper is to analyze the political outcome in countries where the relevant issue in elections is the control of immigration. In particular we explore the consequences on the political outcome of the fact that parties are either ideological or opportunistic with respect to this issue. In order to do that we use a simple two-party political competition model in which the issues over which parties take positions are the level of border enforcement and the way it has to be ?nanced. We show that an ideological rather than a pure opportunistic behavior gives parties an advantage to win the election. In particular, in most of the cases we consider we ?nd that rightist parties have an advantage to win in countries where the relevant issue in election is illegal immigration. This result may help us to understand the recent success of anti-immigrant and rightist parties in several countries.

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Nos proponemos analizar el proceso de globalización y su impacto e inferencias para el Estado, la soberanía y las fuerzas armadas, como categorías y ordenes respectivamente. De manera que analizamos el papel tradicional que ha tenido el Estado y las Fuerzas Armadas y su replanteo dentro de la globalización. Asimismo, abordamos los cambios que acusan las fuerzas armadas en Venezuela a partir de 1998 y 1999 como consecuencia del triunfo del presidente Hugo Chávez y de la Constitución Bolivariana de Venezuela de 1999 como marcos políticos y jurídicos que inciden en la concepción de las fuerzas armadas en Venezuela.

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Throughout history, nuclear weapons have been considered to be the ultimate weapons. This understanding largely detached them from the portfolio of conventional military means and assigned them a symbolic meaning that influenced the identity and norms creation of nations. In most countries today, the development of nuclear weapons is considered morally prohibitive, incompatible with a country’s identity and international outlook. In some states, however, these negative norms are overridden by a positive set of norms, causing nuclear weapons to become either symbols of invulnerability to perceived threats or the regalia of major power status. Main purpose of this paper is to explore on the conditions that cause most states to develop a moral aversion to nuclear weapons, yet effectively lead to their glorification in others. Many studies on the normative understanding of nuclear weapons consider the existence of a negative normative predisposition, often referred to as ‘nuclear taboo’, as a major factor in preventing their acquisition and use. Other studies acknowledge the existence of a nuclear taboo inhibiting the use of nuclear weapons, but point to the existence of the opposing effect of norms, frequently referred to as the ‘nuclear myth’, when it comes to the acquisition of nuclear weapons. This myth emerges when certain symbolic meanings are attached to nuclear weapons, such as a state’s identity, self-image, and its desired position in the international system. With 180 odd countries in the world abstaining from the acquisition of nuclear weapons and 8 countries in possession of them (with two further countries assumed to have pursued their acquisition), one might consider the dominance of the nuclear taboo over the nuclear myth to be the rule. The core question is thus why and how this relationship reversed in the case of defectors.

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Two claims pervade the literature on the political economy of market reforms: that economic crises cause reforms; and that crises matter because they bring into question the validity of the economic model held to be responsible for them. Economic crises are said to spur a process of learning that is conducive to the abandonment of failing models and to the adoption of successful models. But although these claims have become the conventional wisdom, they have been hardly tested empirically due to the lack of agreement on what constitutes a crisis and to difficulties in measuring learning from them. I propose a model of rational learning from experience and apply it to the decision to open the economy. Using data from 1964 through 1990, I show that learning from the 1982 debt crisis was relevant to the first wave of adoption of an export promotion strategy, but learning was conditional on the high variability of economic outcomes in countries that opened up to trade. Learning was also symbolic in that the sheer number of other countries that liberalized was a more important driver of others’ decisions to follow suit.

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Recent years have seen a striking proliferation of the term ‘global’ in public and political discourse. The popularity of the term is a manifestation of the fact that there is a widespread notion that contemporary social reality is ‘global’. The acknowledgment of this notion has important political implications and raises questions about the role played by the idea of the ‘global’ in policy making. These questions, in turn, expose even more fundamental issues about whether the term ‘global’ indicates a difference in kind, even an ontological shift, and, if so, how to approach it. This paper argues that the notion of ‘global’, in other words the ‘global dimension’, is a significant aspect of contemporary politics that needs to be investigated. The paper argues that in the globalization discourse of International Studies ‘global’ is ‘naturalized’, which means that it is taken for granted and assumed to be self-evident. The term ‘global’ is used mainly in a descriptive way and subsumed under the rubric of ‘globalization’. ‘Global’ tends to be equated with transnational and/or world-wide; hence, it addresses quantitative differences in degree but not (alleged) differences in kind. In order to advance our understanding of contemporary politics, ‘global’ needs to be taken seriously. This means, firstly, to understand and to conceptualize ‘global’ as a social category; and, secondly, to uncover ‘global’ as a ‘naturalized’ concept in the Political and International Studies strand of the globalization discourse in order to rescue it for innovative new approaches in the investigation of contemporary politics. In order to do so, the paper suggests adopting a strong linguistic approach starting with the analysis of the word ‘global’. Based on insights from post-structuralism as well as cognitive and general constructivist perspectives it argues that a frame-based corpus linguistic analysis offers the possibility of investigating the collective/social meaning(s) of global in order to operationalize them for the analysis of the ‘global dimension’ of contemporary politics.

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Document on s'analitza el marc polític existent durant l'organització dels Jocs de Barcelona'92. Consisteix en la transcripció de la conferència impartida en el simposi internacional Jocs Olímpics, Comunicació i intercanvis culturals celebrat l'any 1994.

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Documento publicado por el CEO-UAB el año 1997 como parte de la colección Working Papers y que fue presentado en la Asignatura Campus de la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona (UAB) “Olimpismo, Deporte y Sociedad” durante el curso académico 1996/97. Trata los impactos y repercusiones de un proyecto olímpico de ciudad.

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Trabajo de investigación presentado en la Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona y publicado por el CEO (UAB). Analiza el trasfondo político de los Juegos, su organización y celebración, el uso de la propaganda y la respuesta de Barcelona con la organización de la Olimpíada Popular.

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Paper given by Chris Kennett at the European Forum: Culture, Sport and Proximity held in Almería on the 5 May 2005 and promoted by the Diputación Provincial de Almería. The paper explores the key concepts that comprise the social policy discourse related to immigration and how these relate to sports provision. The potential role for sport in the integration of immigrants is considered, as well as the risks of sports as a potentially divisive force, particularly in terms of racism. This discussion leads to the consideration of the need for intercultural dialogue through sport in order to contribute to the achievement of the sustainable integration of immigrant groups. In order to achieve this goal, research is called for into the needs of immigrant groups as a key phase in the development of sports policy.

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Opening conference of the academic course 2005/06 of the Olympic Studies Centre (CEO-UAB), given by Dr. Ian P. Henry, director of the Institute for Sport and Leisure Policy at Loughborough University (United Kingdom). The paper is structured around addressing three themes: how concepts of multiculturalism or interculturalism, nationality and citizenship can be linked to sports policy; how we can conceptualise (and therefore evaluate) the benefits which might be claimed to accrue from sporting projects in terms of multicultural or integration policy; and finally the issue of gender, multiculturalism and sports policy.

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Text de la ponència presentada pel doctor Chris Kennett al “Foro Europeo: Cultura, Deporte y Proximidad” organitzat per la Diputación Provincial de Almería i celebrat a Almeria el 5 de maig de 2005. El text examina els conceptes clau que comprèn el discurs polític social relacionat amb la immigració i com es relacionen aquests conceptes amb l’esport. Es té en compte el paper potencial que juga l’esport en la integració dels immigrants i els riscs dels esports com a força potencialment divisiva, sobretot pel que fa al racisme. Aquesta discussió porta a considerar la necessitat de diàleg intercultural a través de l’esport per tal de contribuir a aconseguir una integració sostenible dels grups immigrants. Per tal d’assolir aquest objectiu, cal fer una recerca sobre les necessitats dels grups immigrants, ja que és una fase clau en el desenvolupament de la política de l’esport.